First, the new perspective is no longer new. The phrase was coined by James Dunn in 1983 and is now thirty-seven years old. Second, the term perspective is a bit misleading, as there is no singular view on Paul within the new perspective on Paul. The term perspectives may be a bit more appropriate, as it represents a variety of persons and issues, some of whom seldom agree with one another. These perspectives will be unpacked in due course. Third, we now have new terms, such as âbeyond the new perspective,â that build on, extend, and truly go beyond the new perspective on Paul. For these reasons and more, a book such as this is needed in order to keep pace with the flurry of publications on Paul over the past twenty years since the initial publication of The Paul Quest. However, in order to know where Pauline studies is headed, one must have an appropriate knowledge of where Pauline studies has come from.1 Hence this retrospective is in order.
THE GREAT-GRANDFATHER OF THE NEW PERSPECTIVE ON PAUL: KRISTER STENDAHL
The work of Krister Stendahl marked a noted shift in Pauline studies.3 In 1963 he published âThe Apostle Paul and the Introspective Conscience of the West,â which anticipated much of later Pauline studies emphases by almost twenty years.4 However, even here, Stendahlâs work had its own predecessors.5 His influential work was first given as a lecture in 1960, published in Swedish in 1961, and then in English two years later. One of the primary features of Stendahlâs work is his emphasis on the uniqueness of Paulâs historical context and the differences between his time and ours. Stendahl argues that one of the most basic issues of Paul had gone unnoticed, and this issue shaped Paulâs thought to a greater extent than any other.
According to Stendahl, the missing link in Pauline studies was the relationship between Jews and Gentiles. At the heart of Stendahlâs concern is that Paulâs letters have been homogenized to reveal an abstract theological outline rather than attention being devoted to the particular issues that Paul addressed. It is to this primary issue of Paul being an apostle to the Gentiles, in a specific historical situation, that Stendahl directs his entire attention. Stendahl raises the important correction that Paulâs teaching had been detached from his mission and task, to be the apostle to the Gentiles. One can see how this sort of emphasis could even lead to some of the later Jewish perspectives on Paul that have insisted that not only is Paul the apostle to the Gentiles, but that what he says about circumcision, Sabbath, and other boundary issues are strictly applicable only to Gentile followers of Jesus. In other words, Paul is not addressing the issues of âJew and Gentile united in Christ.â He is addressing Gentile Christians only.6
One of the first pillars Stendahl attempts to demolish in a typical reading of Paul deals with the man himself. Here Stendahl picks up the typical interpretation of Paulâs Damascus road experience as involving a conversion (Acts 9:1-9; 22:4-16; 26:9-16; Gal 1:11-17). Stendahl highlights the continuity both before and after this event to argue that rather than a conversion of Paul, what we have is a new call for Paul. Paul receives a new assignment from God: a move from persecutor to proclaimer. Stendahl draws attention to the allusions from the Old Testament in Paulâs experience, specifically to Jeremiah and Isaiah, that appear in these accounts. Stendahl surmises that what we have in these accounts is a prophetic call of Paul, like that of Jeremiah or Isaiah.
Stendahlâs approach is certainly helpful for understanding Paul. One feature of his nuanced and attentive reading of Paul is our language in describing âhow Paul met Jesus.â He argues that the term conversion has too much baggage in the modern context to do justice to the experience of Paul and is perhaps too strong of a term to describe Paulâs change. Certainly, it is not the same as someone changing from a polytheistic religion to Christianity. The change for Paul is not necessarily in his conception of Yahweh but in his understanding of Jesus as Messiah. To this degree, Stendahl rightly draws attention to the problems with the word conversion when used of Paulâs Damascus road experience. The issue is the new thing Paul embraces, not the old thing he leaves behind, because he does not leave behind his faith in the God of the Old Testament.
Paulâs experience as a call rather than a conversion has several corollaries in terms of understanding Paulâs message. First, what is specifically revealed to Paul is not the doctrine of justification but that Gentiles can enter the people of God without becoming Jewish. In this regard, Stendahl also anticipated by many decades the recent attempts by Jewish New Testament scholars to reclaim Paul as an observant Jew simply focused on bringing Gentiles to biblical faith.7 On Stendahlâs view, what accompanied Paulâs new vocation was a new understanding of the law. Paulâs call radically shaped his understanding of the law in the program and outworking of God in salvation history. The theological payoff for this, according to Stendahl, is that the epicenter of Paulâs thought about God, salvation, and the law springs from his new vocation as apostle to the Gentiles.
A second corollary of Stendahlâs emphasis on call rather than conversion is directed specifically against the Lutheran reading of Paul that views him as a conflicted individual before his âconversion.â Stendahl rightly stresses that we have no evidence from the New Testament that Paul ever experienced a situation similar to Martin Luther. There were no pangs of conscience, no inner turmoil or despair. Rather, the New Testament evidence from Acts and Paulâs letters points in the opposite direction. Paul had no issues with following the law, something he did remarkably well according to Philippians 3, calling himself âas for righteousness based on the law, faultless.â
It is a fruitful exercise for the student of Paul to entertain a thought experiment concerning what changed, theologically speaking, for Paul pre- and post-Damascus. The obvious answer is that his understanding of Jesus took a 180-degree turn. Paul went from understanding Jesus as a false messiah bent on leading the nation astray to being the savior of Israel. There is perhaps no word better than conversion to speak of how Paul changed his mind on Jesus. However, after his messianic revolution, one can wonder whether much else changed. He certainly didnât stop being a monotheist, and his canon of Scripture seemed to stay the same as well. One might argue that his interpretation of that Scripture changed, but not the texts themselves. Likewise, his focus on the moral and ethical impetus of the Hebrew Scriptures is present both before and after Damascus. Again, one ought to take time to think through, rather than just assume, that everything changed for Paul. This is perhaps the greatest pedagogical help that Stendahl provided.
While there is much that can and should be commended about Stendahlâs emphasis on call rather than conversion, there is criticism that needs to be raised. The Paul we meet in both Acts and his letters is Paul the persecutor, one who oversaw the murder of fellow Jews who in his mind had apostatized by following Jesus as Messiah and had now put the whole nation at risk. What Stendahlâs argument assumes, although not explicitly, is that Paulâs call to persecute apostates was acceptable and Paul merely had a transfer between theological departments. This, however, raises the precise issue that Paul had radically misunderstood his calling by God; indeed, the Damascus experience is when Paul realizes that his call had been radically pointed in the wrong direction. Perhaps we can begin to speak of a conversion of Paulâs call? Might this adjudicate the two different approaches? It would seem that this notion stresses the appropriate point of Stendahlâs argument, in that it eliminates the theological baggage of conversion in the soteriological sense. However, it gives due weight to the radicalness in Paulâs change of thought concerning the person of Jesus and the people of God.
Likewise, when we encounter Paulâs story in Lukeâs narrative, he has placed it right in the middle of a triple conversion narrative: the Ethiopian eunuch (Acts 8:26-40), Saul/Paul (Acts 9), and Cornelius (Acts 10). Paulâs story is preceded by the conversion of the Ethiopian eunuch and followed by the conversion of Cornelius and his household. Now, we should separate how Luke has presented Paulâs account versus Paulâs own description, but it is worth noting at least how one first-century representativeâLukeâunderstood the event.
Stendahlâs work came to exercise a profound influence on numerous people associated with the new perspective on Paul, as will be seen below. A proper understanding of Stendahlâs work reveals a profound shaping of the subsequent conversation. If nothing else, his arguments provided some of the first cracks in the traditional perspective on Paul as an advocate of grace rather than law, justification by faith rather than works-righteousness. In other words, his arguments showed that Paul was not Lutherâs predecessor.