PART 1
Transformations
History and Identity
The Medieval Murukaáš
The Place of a God among His Tamil Worshipers
LESLIE C. ORR
The god Murukaáš enjoys immense popularity in Tamilnadu today and is virtually an emblem of Tamil identity. The temple dedicated to Murukaáš at Palani, in the hills to the northwest of Madurai, receives the largest number of pilgrims and the greatest quantity of gifts of any temple in Tamilnadu. While it is acknowledged that the pilgrimage and patronage activities focused on Murukaáš have seen an upsurge in the last several centuries, this is often regarded as a ârevivalâ of devotion to a god who was widely worshiped in the Tamil country in ancient timesâtwo thousand years ago or more. There is indeed an abundance of devotional literature and textual evidence of rituals dedicated to Murukaáš dating from before the seventh century. But in subsequent times, up until the fourteenth century, literary sources have virtually nothing to tell us about this godâvariously referred to by the Tamil and Sanskrit names Murukaáš, Skanda, and Subrahmaášyaâor about those who may have worshiped him.
This discontinuity, the gap between the seventh and fourteenth centuries, is quite puzzling. Fred Clothey has suggested that the dearth of medieval textual references to the god is a consequence of Sanskritization and of a movement toward âproliferation and concretization,â in which Murukaášâalong with other deitiesâwas subsumed within the Ĺaiva pantheon (1978, 77). That such processes took place seem to be borne out by a shift between the seventh and eighth centuries and the eleventh century in the depiction and significance of SomÄskanda (Ĺiva together with his consort, UmÄ, and his son Skanda). These three figures are first found sculpted on the stone walls of temples in a variety of compositions. By the eleventh century, the composition becomes fixed, and the three figures become a single icon cast in bronze; this image is taken in procession as the main festival image representing Ĺiva (LâHernault 1978, 63â66). Here indeed the god Skanda/Murukaáš/Subrahmaášya has lost his autonomy.
But in fact the SomÄskanda image is not the only image of Murukaáš to be found. The rich architectural and artistic heritage of medieval Tamilnadu has a great deal to tell us about how Murukaáš was regarded and how he continued to be worshiped. For if the literary sources of the seventh to fourteenth centuries are silent on these subjects, the inscriptions engraved on temple walls in this period are not. In this essay I focus on what the art historical and epigraphical evidence has to say about the variations, shifting patterns, and significance of the worship of Murukaáš within the ritual context of the medieval temple. Indeed these sources provide us with precious on-the-ground testimony of how people actually carried out forms of ritual worship at specific sites. With a sculpture of the god before us, we get a vivid sense of the form of the divine with which the medieval worshiper was confronted; meanwhile the inscriptions provide us with details of how worship was conductedâwith offerings of lamps, flowers, and food, for exampleâand document the image donation and temple building of various types of patrons.
Of particular interest to my inquiry is the question of where precisely the god Murukaáš was placed within the ritual space of the temple; both the physical fabric of the extant temple and the inscriptions at the temple speak to these issues and show the variety of possible arrangements that were made. Does the material evidence from the medieval period indicate that there was a âcentralâ deity in the temple, that therefore it was âhis temple,â and that he was the main object of worshipâand that this âcentralâ deity was ever Murukaáš? Does the placement of gods (such as Murukaáš) in smaller structures, usually referred to as âshrines,â around a âcentralâ deity suggest hierarchical theological notions or ritual protocols? What is the significance of the appearance of Murukaáš in a rock-cut cave in the company of other deities, or of his appearance on a temple wall, or on a Ĺikhara (temple tower) or gopura (gate tower)? And how do worshipers interact with the space of the temple once the gods are emplaced: do they acknowledge a single godâs centrality? Is it possible for them to reconstruct or reinterpret the space? What scope is there for innovative or even subversive ritual performances?
My exploration of Murukaášâs worship in the period between the seventh and fourteenth centuriesâwhen relevant literary sources are so scarceâis thus based on two sorts of evidence, which allow me to trace chronological changes as well as geographical variations. With reference to the latter, I consider medieval Tamilnadu to be divided into four areas: a northern region (Chingleput, North Arcot, and South Arcot districts), Cholanadu or the Kaveri River zone (Thanjavur and Tiruchirappalli districts), western Tamilnadu (Coimbatore, Kolar, and Salem districts), and southern Tamilnadu (Kanyakumari, Madurai, Ramnad, and Tirunelveli districts).1
The first body of evidence employed in this study consists of the nearly one hundred temple inscriptions that I was able to locate that refer to the ritual worship of Murukaáš or whose placement on a Murukaáš shrine or temple indicates the existence of a context for this worship. One hundred inscriptions, it must be recognized, represent a very tiny fraction of the nearly twenty thousand inscriptions that have been found in the Tamil country. Although there are surely more epigraphical references to Murukaáš than I have thus far found, it is nonetheless clear that through the whole of the period under review, Murukaáš worship was not a prominent feature of religious life or, at any rate, the religious life centered on the temple.
The second type of evidence I employ is art and architecture. I have catalogued more than two hundred stone and bronze images or other material evidenceâapart from inscriptionsâof Murukaáš worship, including in my survey only those images which are still in situ or whose provenance is known and excluding SomÄskanda images. For this study of Murukaášâs images, I drew on a variety of sources, including my own fieldwork at temples, but am especially indebted to the comprehensive and masterful work of Françoise LâHernault, particularly her book LâIconographie de Subrahmaášya au Tamilnad.
Before and After
The material evidence of the seventh to fourteenth centuriesâwhen there are virtually no literary references to Murukaášâmust be placed within the chronological frame that is built in large part from just such references. I offer a brief outline of Murukaáš worship in the historical periods that precede and follow the span of time with which I am concerned.
The earliest references to Murukaáš occur in the so-called Caáškam literature, the classical Tamil literature of the first few centuries of the Common Era. Here Murukaáš is portrayed as the beautiful god of the forested hills, bearing a lance (the vÄl); he is married to the hunter-maiden Vaḡḡi and is the enemy of the demon CĹŤraáš. Ceremonies dedicated to Murukaáš were officiated over by the vÄlaáš, a priest who offered the god mountain rice mixed with blood and who was sometimes called in to perform exorcisms on young women who were possessed by the god (Zvelebil 1991, 78â80). The poems ParipÄášal and TirumurukÄášášuppaášaiâcomposed in the fourth or fifth centuries or somewhat laterâcontain extensive descriptions of the god and his attributes, including his association with the elephant, the peacock, and the rooster. These poems also introduce us to a second wife, DevasenÄ (called in Tamil TÄvayÄášai), and provide an account of Murukaášâs birth as the son of Ĺiva. ParipÄášal describes Murukaášâs abode Tirupparankunram, a hill just outside of the city of Madurai to the southwest. TirumurukÄášášuppaášai mentions the presence of Murukaáš at six places; these references are, however, quite brief, being marginal to the main theme of the poem, which is the praise of the godâs qualities and exploits. Only three of the six sites mentioned in TirumurukÄášášuppaášai can be identified with any degree of certainty: Tirupparankunram near Madurai, Tiruccentur further south on the coast east of Tirunelveli, and Palani in the hills far to the northwest of Madurai (Filliozat 1973, xxxvâxxxvii; Clothey 1978, 64â69; Clothey 1983, 23â39; LâHernault 1978, 185ff.).
Nearly a millennium passed before Murukaáš resurfaced in Tamil literature, most famously in the poems Tiruppukaḝ, Kantar aášupĹŤti, and Kantar alaáškÄram that were composedâprobably in the early fifteenth centuryâby AruášakirinÄta. AruášakirinÄta is supposed to have spent a dissolute early life in the great Ĺaiva tem...