International Students and Crime

H. Forbes-Mewett, J. McCulloch, C. Nyland

• Verlag: Palgrave Macmillan
• Jahr: 2015
• ISBN:
  9781137034977
• Thema: Sozialwissenschaften
• Thema: Kriminologie

International students and crime is an issue that impacts on lucrative international student markets, international relations, host countries' reputations, and the security of the broader population. This book presents vital new analyses on international students as victims and perpetrators of crime in Australia, the US and the UK.

1

Introduction

We begin this book with the important acknowledgement that most international students do not become victims of crime. Fewer still are perpetrators. Nonetheless, international students and crime is an issue of major international concern, impacting on the lucrative international student market, international relations, host countries’ reputations as tolerant and safe, and perhaps most significantly, the safety and security of international students as well as the broader population. While crimes committed against and by international students have attracted a great deal of media attention, public commentary and debate in both sending and host countries, there has been little research that systematically describes, analyses and reflects on the phenomena. We present new information about the victims and the perpetrators, and their contexts in Australia, the United States (US) and the United Kingdom (UK).

An Indian international student was at a party, for his friend’s 24th birthday, in Melbourne, Australia. It was attended by 20–25 other male Indian students. There was dancing, food and alcohol. Two uninvited and intoxicated local youths arrived and were initially welcomed – until an altercation took place. The Indian student and his friend whose birthday they were celebrating were severely beaten. There were also two other victims.

[One Indian international student] had suffered a traumatic brain injury [and] … remained in intensive care for seven days. [He required ongoing rehabilitation]

A Victim Impact Statement tendered on his behalf as Exhibit ‘E’ speaks poignantly of the consequences of [the] attack upon him:

I and my family are going through immeasurable trauma. I feel depressed and confused. This incident has ruined my life, my career and my future. I am no more the same person I used to be. Now I always have to be under the supervision of someone. I have to forego my passion for cars and driving. I can no more enjoy my favourite movies. My life has come to a standstill and I see no hope. I understand that I need to digest and come to terms with my limitations, but I am unable to do so.

[The victim] also reported that the incident has devastated his family both emotionally and financially. In his Victim Impact Statement, he went on to say:

My father is a farmer. He has borrowed a lot of money from our relatives to sponsor my education in Australia. He thought I would successfully finish my education and support the family back in India. My father, mother and brother have come to Melbourne from India to support me. They had to give our agricultural land for lease at a nominal cost.

(Supreme Court of Victoria at Melbourne Criminal Division, Judgement 31 March 2010, Australia)

This book provides a detailed comparative account of international students and crime across three major international education provider countries: the US, the UK and Australia. We consider similarities and differences in the internationalisation of higher education, discussing historical and structural influences on various models and how these impact international students. We present the perspectives of key observers and examine the experiences of international students. The interpretation of the extensive and rich qualitative data is our responsibility. Participants from the US, the UK or Australia contributed to the project, which forms the basis of this book.

The issue of crime is highly important for many students when choosing their study destination. It was revealed in 2010 that between 90 and 94 per cent of Asian students in Australia rated safety and security as the most important reason for their study destination choice (Marginson et al., 2010). More recently, the British Council – an international organisation that focuses on educational opportunities and cultural relations – reported that the issue is increasing in importance and that the phenomenon cannot be attributed to any one specific influence. Rather, the report ‘suggests that a number of factors and changing market dynamics have come together to influence opinion and raise concerns globally about student safety’ (British Council, 2012, p. 9). It seems that the number of reported attacks on students has grown along with student mobility, and thus there is increased student awareness of the risks of studying abroad. The Hobsons’ report (2014) has also put the spotlight on student safety by reporting that it is now the fourth most important issue influencing students’ study destination decisions.

The British Council report reflects on the US, the UK and Australia, among many other international education provider countries, but begins with a notice that the information is general in nature and that no responsibility is taken ‘for the accuracy or completeness of the report’ (2012, p. 2). Similarly, an Australian Institute for Criminology (AIC) report (Larsen, Payne and Tomison, 2011) acknowledges many limitations of the data used in a large-scale quantitative study examining crimes against international students in Australia. These studies will be further discussed later in this chapter. They are noted at this point because they are indicative of the challenges presented by data collection in relation to international students and crime and, in particular, of a tendency to rely on quantitative analysis when much crime involving international students is unreported. Furthermore, the studies point to the need for greater understanding of international students and crime.

The multi-billion-dollar international education market has seen tertiary education institutions become heavily reliant on international student fees. This scenario is becoming increasingly marked in Australia, the UK, the US and other major international student host countries. The sustainability of the education export sector is highly dependent on the extent to which international students and their families believe that host organisations and countries are able to provide a safe study environment. Indeed, ‘personal safety’ has been recorded as the third most important criterion (after teaching quality and country reputation) when choosing an institution in Australia (Universities Australia, 2011). Crime is therefore an important determinant shaping the views and choices of international students and their families. The British Council (2012) reports safety to have moved in priority from 17th place in 2006 to fifth in 2012. The current environment has seen the issue of crime and international student safety become of increasing importance to governments and education institutions, as well as students and their families. Indeed, competition between host countries and education institutions has intensified as students become more discerning and increasingly expect greater assurances that their education will be accompanied by forms of security that minimise the risk of crime.

Despite the importance of safety and security, issues relating to international students and crime are yet to be fully explored. The few studies examining the topic to date are primarily quantitative and limited in detail. This book is based on the first comprehensive, qualitative study to present student views on the issue of crime. It also presents the views of professionals whose work is closely related to the issue of crime and international students. The book not only considers the dynamics associated with students as victims and/or perpetrators of crime but also provides information relating to those who pose the greatest risk of perpetrating crimes against international students. It aims to clarify and gain insight into how crime impacts on the international student experience. We set out the various responses to international student crime and safety and their likely effectiveness in addressing the various issues and challenges. The impact of crime on international student markets and on the students, their families and citizens fully justify this exploration. The benefits of understanding the issues associated with international students and crime are particularly obvious in the Australian context, which has suffered damage to its international reputation because of perceived low levels of safety. The book, however, will also be of interest and benefit to other international education provider nations that are increasing their international student cohorts.

The millions of students who cross borders to undertake an international education seek opportunities to better their lives and bravely balance the associated risks. Their safety is important – to them, to their families and friends, and to their home and host countries. While the primary influences on students’, and in many cases their parents’, study destination decisions vary according to different surveys, the issue of crime is a high priority (British Council, 2012; Forbes-Mewett, Nyland and Shao, 2010; Mazzarol and Soutar, 2002; Universities Australia, 2011). The literature suggests that parents and students utilise crime data as an indicator for the general level of safety that characterises a specific environment. The data they rely on, however, are often unreliable. We address the issue of international student safety and crime through a conceptual framework based on four key principles:

1. International students and host communities have a right to security from crime.

2. The nature and extent of the risk that international students will become victims or perpetrators of crime is a result of both historical and contemporary influences.

3. Crime relating to international students will be analysed through interconnecting issues such as education policy, environmental and local factors, social and economic marginalisation, and systemic racism.

4. International students are recognised as having multiple intersecting identities that compound or mitigate vulnerabilities related to crime victimisation or perpetration.

Guided by these principles, this book presents the first in-depth and comparative view of issues relating to international students and crime in the US, the UK and Australia. It does so by drawing on 150 indepth interviews conducted across the three nations with international students and also with individuals whose work relate to international students. The backgrounds of the interview participants are diverse, and so too are their ages and perspectives. They generously comment on many and varied dynamics that are crucial to the exploration of crime and safety in the international student context. Their perspectives provide insights into associated scandals, challenges and misunderstandings. The data allows for the consideration of social, cultural, international and economic ramifications relating to crime involving international students.

This introductory chapter provides the background to the research and its findings through a review of the literature relating to crime and student safety. Canvassing US, UK and Australian perspectives, the following chapters provide comparisons and identify existing similarities and differences. The particular significance of the three chosen study destinations rests with the large number of international students that each of these host countries accommodates. Two basic factors underpin the significance of this book. First is the need to understand issues concerning security and crime that relate to international students in order to promote and support human rights. These rights relate to the security of both international students and host citizens. Second is the increasing importance of sustaining international education as a multibillion-dollar industry for Australia and, more recently, for the UK and the US. The relevance of this book, however, extends to all international education provider nations, as matters of safety, security and crime are universal.

The scene

Previous studies have been narrow in focus, either geographically, by type of offence, in context or a combination of these limitations. Nonetheless, the associated literature provides an important backdrop to the current project. Much of the literature relating to international students as victims and perpetrators of crime focuses on criminal acts committed on college and university campuses.

In the US

In the US, campus crime is a much-researched topic though domestic and international students are seldom differentiated. Notable exceptions include a study examining fear of street crime among international students enrolled at a large US university (Sundeen, 1984), which parallels a later study that found that fear of crime increased when international students socialised with fellow international students (Coston, 2004). When comparing domestic and international students’ fear of crime, it was found that two variables were unique to international students. Unexpectedly, frequency of participation in cultural events/activities was positively associated with fear of becoming a victim of crime. It was concluded that while participation in social events may create or strengthen social connections, venturing outside the home involved risk. It was also thought that fear may be increased through crime and safety information sharing at social events. However, it was found that the longer an international student was in the host country the less they feared becoming a victim of crime. It was also suggested that initial concerns were most likely related to student orientation programmes that included inflated warnings of crime that increased fear, which subsequently diminished with everyday living experience.

Campus crime-related research in the US is associated with numerous high-profile court cases where victims and/or their families have taken legal action against an education institution for failing to provide adequate information about the incidence of crime. As a response to an on-campus rape and murder, the Jeanne Clery Disclosure of Campus Security Policy and Campus Crime Statistics Act (the Clery Act or Clery) was introduced in 1990. It requires education institutions in the US that receive federal financial aid to keep record and make publically available information relating to crime on campuses and nearby surrounds. The Clery Act also mandates the implementation of on-campus law enforcement procedures and ‘safety from crime’ policies. Education institutions that participate in federal financial aid programmes can be penalised for failing to comply with this Act, which is enforced by US Department of Education. This means most public and private higher education institutions are compelled to keep and disclose information about crime on and near their campuses. Those who do not comply face large fines and may be suspended from financial aid programmes.

The Clery Act reveals that the reported crime on or near campus is most commonly theft of personal belongings, burglary, racial or hate crime, assault and sexual assault/rape. Primarily, students are the victims as well as the offenders (Brinkley, 2005; Fisher, 1995; Janosik and Gregory, 2002). That the Act is concerned also with near-campus crime highlights the possibility that US education institutions may be held responsible for off-campus incidences involving students. For example, the 2012 fatal shooting of two Chinese students near the University of Southern California (USC) led their parents to file a lawsuit against the university for failing to provide a safe environment as claimed on the university website (CBS, 2012). Also, a ‘string of shootings’ and the 2014 death of a Chinese international student who was attacked near campus led to USC implementing extensive security measures (Stevens, Owens and Xia, 2014).

The Clery Act produces greater consistency in the gathering and reporting of crime statistics relating to US university and college campuses (Janosik and Plummer, 2005), but does not impact the incidents of crime. Nonetheless, it has successfully encouraged the introduction of student support programmes to enhance safety through self-protection. This has been achieved through raising awareness of the risk of crime to personal safety and increasing student confidence in campus-based safety and security procedures (Brinkley, 2005; Janosik and Gregory, 2002). The influence of Clery on choice of university has been unclear as institutions with reported higher instances of crimes related to alcohol, drug abuse, sex and burglary receive higher numbers of student applications but have a lower take-up rate. This may reflect students’ desire to study in exciting locations and parents’ concern for safety (Depken, 1998). Alternatively, students may not check the crime statistics until they are offered a place, and levels of crime may become a differentiating concern if they have other options.

Incidences of ‘hate crime’ increased dramatically in the US following the attacks on the World Trade Centre, with Middle Eastern and African international students bearing much of the brunt. Many students left the US because they feared for their safety both on and off campus. Harvard University responded with a booklet entitled Know Your Rights on Campus: A Guide to Racial Profiling and Hate Crime for International Students in the United States, which explained racial profiling as the ‘reliance by law enforcement officers on a person’s ethnicity, national origin, or race rather than behaviour to identify him or her as having been engaged in illegal activity’ (Harvard Civil Rights Project, 2003). The booklet defines hate crimes, details the laws that are intended to make students safe from crime and advises international students on what to do if their safety is threatened. Other institutions have produced similar but less specifically targeted guides. While the incidence of hate crime appeared relatively low when considering the many thousands of students from culturally diverse societies, it was thought that a similar effort to that of Harvard University was justified. Adding to the above proactive approaches, the Association of International Educators (NAFSA, 2011) published an online outline of crisis management, ‘Responding to the Arrest of a Nonimmigrant Student’. The advice is specifically targeted at incidents involving international students and explains to advisors that the students may not understand the US criminal system and recommends how best to provide support.

Research has identified four routine activities that are believed to increase the likelihood of students being victims of crime in the US – proximity, exposure, guardianship and target attractiveness (Fisher and Wilkes, 2003). Particular forms of housing and accommodation are believed to contribute to risk of victimisation (Smith and Fossey, 1995). For instance, shared housing and multi-unit residences tend to be related to a high risk of theft and violence, and violence on campus is more likely to occur in the living quarters. While comparative UK and US research does not distinguish between international and domestic student populations, international students form a large part of the resident group using campus and multi-unit student accommodation. Commonly, the display of valuable goods and perceptions that international students are soft ...

Inhaltsverzeichnis

• Cover
• Title Page
• Copyright
• Contents
• Acknowledgements
• About the Authors
• 1. Introduction
• 2. Comparing US, UK and Australian Student Markets
• 3. International Students as Victims of Crime
• 4. International Students as Perpetrators of Crime
• 5. Non-Violent Crime
• 6. Serious and Violent Crime
• 7. Gendered Crime
• 8. Organised Crime
• 9. Staying Safe from Crime
• 10. Responsibility
• 11. Conclusion
• Notes
• References
• Index