African American Men in Crisis

Proactive Strategies for Urban Youth

Wesley E. Pullman

• Editorial: Routledge
• Año: 2012
• ISBN:
  9781136519512
• Edición: 1
• Categoría: Social Sciences
• Categoría: Sociology

The challenges and obstacles to full participation of African American men in the mainstream economic and social structure of American life is rapidly becoming an area of public debate. The essential rationale for this work is that there is a need to clarify the basic issues and to achieve a better understanding of the obstacles facing young black men in our society. This study is designed to enhance current knowledge and understanding of how different people in urban communities are attempting to address the needs of young black men. Its purpose is to further academic understanding and knowledge about community based male socialization programs for black inner city youth.

Chapter 1: Fallen Heroes or Forgotten Victims

The challenges and obstacles to full participation of African American men in the mainstream economic and social structure of American life is rapidly becoming an area of public debate. Amidst record breaking homicide rates, media sensationalism and popular stereotypes, people are inclined to forget that the most frequent victims of urban violence are young black men. The scholarly works of modern pioneers such as Gary (1981), Staples (1982), and Gibbs (1988) reflect an emerging focus on this fact. By labeling black males in America as an endangered species, Gibbs (1988) creates a graphic metaphor for a social crisis of major proportions. Nevertheless, little has been written about projects programs or strategies designed to address identified problems such as high rates of incarceration, homicide victimization, unemployment, and educational disruption among black males in American society.

This critical condition has been the subject of profound philosophical debate among a small community of scholars whose concerns reflect a mutual commitment to the political and socioeconomic empowerment of African American people, in general, and black men in particular (Bowser 1990; Gary 1981; Gibbs 1988; Madhubuti 1990; Staples 1982; Wilson 1991). The combined perspective can be described as occurring within the context of racial discrimination and focusing on the adaptive responses incorporated by minority people in an ethnically stratified society (DeVore and Schlesinger 1987; Gordon 1978). If the quantity of academic publication is any indicator of official interests, this small community of scholars is more closely likened to a voice crying in the wilderness than to the harbinger of a new age. Little has been done to address the critical needs of black men or the concerns expressed by this group. As rates of crime, incarceration and violence continue to soar, it appears that amelioriative strategies, exclusive of get tough law enforcement policies, have been left to the devices of local grass roots organizations and private voluntary agencies (Jeter 1993; Seigel 1993; Wilson 1991).

Efforts to address the crisis of violence, unemployment, and incarceration (Gary 1990; Gibbs 1990; McGhee 1984) affecting black men in America have resulted in local initiatives to create specialized programs in churches, neighborhoods, communities and some schools (Wilson 1991). Concerns about lost cultural heritage compel some academics to call for a return to systematic efforts in the socialization processes for African American youth by suggesting a renaissance of knowledge about traditional African rites and ceremonies (Karenga 1977; Kilson and Rotberg 1976; Nobles 1974b; Vizedom 1976; Warfield-Coppock 1990).

Identifying and recognizing African traditions in American culture has been a continuing source of controversy (Frazier 1939; Herskovitz 1958; Hollaway 1993) which reflect some of the underlying racial tensions which comprise American culture (Myrdal 1944; Reuter 1927; Wacker 1983). Efforts to create culture specific manhood training, male socialization and rites of passage for young black men have generated some controversy in academic and political circles. An example of this controversy can be seen in the discontinuation and subsequent conflict over a Milwaukee school-based program designed specifically for black males (Leake and Leake 1992; Toch 1991). In spite of the tension, however, similar programs continue to operate in other localities (Collison 1991).

Community organizers, group counselors and school social workers all have a vested interest in this subject because specialized efforts are being developed in each of these venues (Asante 1991; Frye 1990; Lee 1987; Wilson 1991). Whereas sociological studies and explanations of the issues are important, implementation of proposed solutions based on scientific inquiry place the burden on policy makers, social workers, educators and other helping professionals to apply new knowledge in meaningful ways.

The study utilizes a constructivist research strategy based on the “naturalistic” model developed by Lincoln and Guba (1985) and elaborated upon in later works (Guba and Lincoln 1989). The research goal is to discover and articulate common themes based upon the claims, concerns and issues voiced by people who are actively involved in developing programs for young black men. Constructivist inquiry is uniquely appropriate for this policy research approach (Majchrzak 1984) because the issues and concerns have yet to be fully defined by the available academic literature.

Multiple data collection strategies include participant observation, structured interviews and collection of physical documentation from program sites located in three mid-Atlantic coastal cities. Case study comparisons of programs were used to identify conceptual similarities and differences. The end result is intended to provide readers with a conceptual framework for understanding the operating principles behind specialized programs designed to facilitate positive social adjustment for young black men in urban settings. The study findings provide an empirically based body of knowledge, offering a comprehensive description of the claims, concerns and issues (Guba and Lincoln 1989) as presented by people active in the field.

Statement of Purpose

The essential rationale for this work is that there is a need to clarify the basic issues and to achieve a better understanding of the obstacles facing young black men in our society. This subject is important to social workers and social scientists alike, because it strikes at the heart of contemporary concerns about ethnic sensitivity and human need in a pluralistic society (Carter and McGoldrick 1988; DeVore and Schlesinger 1987; Pinderhughes 1988; Schaefer, 1990). Secondly, there is a need to develop a broader consensus on policy development surrounding these concerns. Finally, there is a need to provide more academic resources with which to inform social work practice as it pertains to addressing the problems of at risk urban youth.

This study is designed to enhance current knowledge and understanding of how different people in urban communities are attempting to address the needs of young black men. Its purpose is to further academic understanding and knowledge about community based male socialization programs for black inner city youth. Precious little research has been devoted to problems experienced by black males, in general, and male socialization programs, in particular. Although some information is available through the popular media, the issue is too important to allow newspapers, magazines and television journalism to have control over knowledge of the subject. Too many children are growing up in fatherless households, dropping out of school or being shot by their peers in the streets (Gibbs 1988; Madhubuti 1991). Too much fear and not enough understanding already exists between the different factions which make up American society (Kotlowitz 1991). Negative stereotypes abound and solutions still seem scarce.

Projects focusing on the needs and concerns of young black men currently operate in a variety of settings throughout the country (Gary and Pullman 1993) and have been reported on in the popular media (Jeter 1993; Siegel 1993). Although these enterprises may represent only partial solutions to a very complex set of social problems, they have taken place on a grass roots level by people in cities as far apart as Milwaukee, Washington, Chicago, and Philadelphia (Jeter 1993; Wilson 1991). Scholars have just begun to identify and report on these efforts, but a great deal more information is needed in order to develop informed interventions, programs and policies.

The goal of this study is one of discovery. Its purpose is to identify and articulate the essential issues, program philosophies and practical strategies adhered to by people actively involved in specialized programs for young black men in high risk urban communities. This goal was accomplished through extensive observation and interviewing at three separate research sites. Transferability of the findings to other settings is a task the readers must undertake based on their own determination of whether the circumstances described in the case studies fit or apply to them. The intent of this research is not to represent a general condition or create a stereotypical picture of all such programs, and the findings should not be construed in that way.

One criticism of the constructivist orientation is in the degree to which inductive processes of analysis can be judiciously applied as general principles. Guba and Lincoln (1989) however, quote Cronbach (1975) in the assertion that generalizations decay over time regardless of the research paradigm and are therefore context bound. For these reasons, constructivist approaches do not encourage theory building or grounded theoretical statements (Glaser and Strauss 1967). Instead, they recognize that all social observations occur within an ever changing context (Guba and Lincoln 1989, 95). Instead of generalizability, constructivists emphasize transferability and the tentative application of findings to other settings (Chambers, Wedel and Rodwell 1992). Given this notion of a dynamic social world in which hard and fast general laws rarely apply, constructivists maintain that transferability of findings is a better measure of utility in research. Guba and Lincoln (1989) describe transferability as a function of relevance. Ultimately, the concept of transferability asserts that it is for the reader, or the receiver of the message, to determine its relevance. Rather than make lawlike claims or assertions, constructivists are content to provide idiographic interpretations (Chambers, Wedel and Rodwel, 1992) designed to inform but not control general conceptions. It is the job of the researcher to provide sufficient information about the context and details of the setting, a thick description (Geertz 1973). The reader’s job is to make an informed decision about the applicability of the findings to his or her own experiences (Lincoln and Guba 1985; Skritic 1985).

It is the author’s intent to accurately reflect the experiences and perspectives of people who participated in the study and in so doing to provide some practical examples for people interested in this subject. The desired outcome is to provide an enlightened understanding of how people construct and respond to the social realities of their world (Guba and Lincoln 1989, 60-61). If general guidelines can be inferred by the reader and productively applied to another social setting, then a further purpose will have been served. Ideally the presentations here will inform the process of needs assessment, policy analysis and program development through the enhancement of human understanding. If this end can be achieved, then a valuable contribution to social science knowledge, social policy formation, and social work practice will have been made.

Foreshadowed Research Questions

This research project explores three basic questions. The first question asks what are the fundamental issues, needs and concerns of people involved in specialized programs targetting young black men? The second question pursues underlying philosophies. What are the theoretical assumptions and driving principles affecting the development and operation of these programs? The third question emphasizes implementation, by asking how are these assumptions and principles put into practice? The findings presented here provide three case studies along with an examination of common themes. Implications for social policy are discussed, with the goal of enhancing future efforts in program planning by conveying the experiences of people who are actively confronting the problem in the field.

Chapter 2: The Scope of the Problem

Since the subject of program development for young black men is not abundantly available in the academic literature, this overview of previous research is designed to provide a broad base of information in order to facilitate a better understanding of what was encountered during field observations. The intent is to educate the reader with regard to the overall social and intellectual context within which the three programs, about to be discussed, take place.

The multitude of issues confronting young black men in contemporary American culture are best recognized as problems in which the whole of society has a vested interest. Describing young black men as a population at risk is a documentable observation. Explaining how or why this situation came to be is an entirely debatable matter. The current crisis among black men is reflective of historical, political and social patterns which have emerged out of the actions and interactions of the whole and not any single faction (Wilson 1991). It is truly an American dilemma because racial conflict is ingrained in American history. All are victims, and all are responsible. The importance of this distinction should not be underestimated because the solutions will most likely require prolonged cooperation and collective efforts.

Gunnar Myrdal (1944) asserted that the problem of racial discrimination is a problem for white people in America because only white people have the power to change it. While Malcolm X echoed these sentiments (Haley 1964), the philosophical orientation of this study is that inequality is a problem for people of all races, and that, only by working together will it be resolved. Almost fifty years have passed since Myrdal, a Swedish anthropologist, first referred to the “American dilemma” of race, yet deep seeded patterns of economic and political inequality persist (Pinderhughes 1988; Schaefer 1991). In many ways subsequent social scientists has failed to pick up the gauntlet thrown down by this definitive statement.

Past research on social problems confronting African American people has tended to emphasize three basic themes, biological deficits, cultural deficits or racial oppression (Oliver 1989). A persistent focus on alleged shortcomings, particularly as they relate to family (Allen 1981; Auletta 1983; Moynihan 1965), has been thorough if not misguided, according to Oliver (1989). Family inadequacies and cultural deprivation theories have been sharply criticized for lacking a comprehensive theoretical context of analysis; using faulty, over simplified, and monolithic conceptual models; ignoring intraracial variation; and fixating on low income or pathological populations (Peters 1974; Staples 1985; Staples and Johnson 1993). Van Dijk (1993) also suggests that analysis of research discourse is essential to weeding out prejudice and racial bias in social scientific inquiry. Such analysis includes not only how problems are initially defined but also the language used to describe the social context in which they occur.

In pointing out the inherent inadequacies of the dominant theoretical perspectives, Oliver (1989, 17) calls for a structural-cultural focus. This approach, as he defines it, recognizes institutional factors such as racism, capitalistic exploitation, family patterns, and other structural influences without ignoring the ability of people and communities to exercise self-determination over how they adapt environmental pressures. The structural-cultural perspective maintains that people are both shaped by and shape their social world. Oliver (1989, 17) describes this process as an “interrelationship between structural pressures and cultural adaptations.”

Cornel West (1993) also argues that the failure of civil rights reforms and growing frustration within the African American community have resulted in what he calls a nihilistic response characterized by a widespread “sense of psychological depression, personal worthlessness and social despair (pp.12-13).” By denouncing both “liberal-structuralists” and “conservative-behaviorists,” West (1993, 11-20) urges scholars to recognize and confront the nihilistic malaise which he believes is a pervasive social influence crippling black communities. Although the threat of nihilism is not new, West (1993) maintains that in recent years it has taken on a more powerful stature. He attributes this change to the effects of “market forces and market moralities” on black social life and to a perceived failure of black leadership (West 1993, 16).

The pervasiveness of materialistic market influences results in a philosophical ethic of pleasure seeking, according to West. The subsequent effects of this moral philosophy are the perception and treatment of fellow human beings as objects of pleasure. The resulting behavior is that people are treated as means rather than ends unto themselves. West (1993) contends that rabid materialism constitutes a moral bankruptcy that is promoted and sustained through marketing strategies of corporate institutions. These strategies have an aberrant effect on people “living in poverty ridden conditions with a limited capacity to ward off self contempt and self hatred” (West 1993, 17). Market-promoted values in turn replace non-market values through a seductive process of media bombardment and glamorization. The end results, according to West (1993), are that values such as love, caring, and service to others are replaced by emphases on pleasure characterized by prioritizing such things as comfort, convenience, machismo, violence, femininity and sexual stimulation. Wilson’s (1991) explanation of black adolescent male violence seems to parallel the observations and assertions made by West (1993), when he describes fatalism and comsumer orientedness as two of the “psychosocial aftereffects of white racism” (Wilson 1992, 11-16).

In terms of community leadership West (1993, 40-46) calls for a return to “race transcendent moral leadership.” He defines this concept in contrast to what he calls both “race-effacing managerial leaders” and “race identifying protest leaders (West 1993, 39).” West contends that both overly accommodating establishment oriented black politicians and overly confrontational black activists are ineffective in addressing the needs of the black community within the context of present day American culture.

West (1993) presents a powerful political and philosophical argument. One weakness in this discussion, however, seems to be in providing examples of his ideal style of leadership. Aside from providing a few sparse examples, such as Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. and Chicago’s ex-mayor Harold Washington, West (1993) does not fully develop a prescription for how race transcendent leadership can be cultivated. He does, however, recognize the existence of such leaders operating in black communities on the local level.

Both West (1993) and Oliver (1989) argue that the combination of external social forces and adaptive responses must be examined in order to arrive at a better understanding of African American culture. Both authors also recognize the limitations of previous research and call for breaking down of the barriers established by entrenched liberal, conservative, and radical philosophies. Their respective solutions to the social problems confronting many black Americans, especially males, are Afrocentric socialization (Oliver, and “race transcendent psychic conversion” (West 1993, 100). These solutions are compatible, if not identical, and reflect a progressive discourse on race relations in American society.

Addressing the Crisis

Sociologists have identified a close relationship between crime and poverty. The F.B.I. Uniform Crime Reports consistently show the highest rates of violence and property crime in low income neighborhoods (Curran and Renzetti 1990; Kornblum and Julian 1992), while public welfare investment has been found to be inversely related to criminal violence (Heffernan, Shuttlesworth and Ambrosino 1992). Although social programs developed in the 1960’s reduced the number of officially poor people by almost 50% from 1961 to 1972, in subsequent years these gains were u...

Índice

• Cover
• Half Title
• Title Page
• Copyright
• Dedication
• Contents
• List of Figures
• Chapter 1: Fallen Heroes or Forgotten Victims
• Chapter 2: The Scope of the Problem
• Chapter 3: Constructivist Inquiry
• Chapter 4: The Diamond Hill Development Center
• Chapter 5: The Bunker Hill Young Marines
• Chapter 6: The Comprehensive Youth Services Center
• Chapter 7: Conclusions
• Epilogue
• Appendices
• References
• Index