Towards Inclusive Organizations

Determinants of successful diversity management at work

Sabine Otten,Karen van der Zee,Marilynn B. Brewer

• Éditeur: Psychology Press
• Année: 2014
• ISBN:
  9781317909705
• Édition: 1
• Sujet: Psicología
• Sous-sujet: Historia y teoría en psicología

Diversity arising from the mixing of peoples from different cultural backgrounds has long been an issue in nations such as the United States and Australia, and in recent decades, European nations have reached unprecedented levels of cultural diversity due to increased migration. This phenomenon of increasing cultural diversity at the national level sets the context for current social science research on the consequences of diversity for social integration, institutional functioning, and interpersonal relationships.

This book reviews theory and research in social and organizational psychology on the management of diversity in work organizations. The book shows how diversity management takes place across multiple levels: at a national level, at an organizational level, between work groups and teams, in interpersonal relations, and at the level of individual experiences. Each chapter summarizes relevant empirical research, and considers how the dynamics of workgroup relations are likely to be affected by cultural differences among group members. The contributors also describe the variables which organizational leadership should be sensitive to in designing and implementing policies and practices for inclusive organizations.

Towards Inclusive Organizations will be essential reading for researchers and advanced students in social and organizational psychology.

1 Towards inclusive organizations

Introduction

Marilynn B. Brewer, Sabine Otten, and Karen van der Zee

It is by now something of a truism to acknowledge that modern societies are both complex and diverse. Within modern nation-states, diversity is manifest along many dimensions, including demographic, economic, and ideological differences. Of the many sources of population diversity, however, the dimension that receives the most political (and often emotional) attention is that of cultural diversity.

Broadly defined, culture is a system of shared meanings and understandings, together with a set of practices that enact and reinforce the shared worldviews (Triandis, 1972). A critical element in this definition is that culture involves shared understandings among people who see themselves as part of a meaningful collective with some sense of shared identity, temporal continuity, and social interdependence. Cultures provide group members with answers to fundamental questions, including questions of self and identity (Who am I?, or Who are we?), questions about how the physical and social world works and how things are interrelated (beliefs), and questions about how things should be and what is the right course of behavior (values) (Brewer & Chen, 2007). Seen from this perspective, cultural systems (and cultural differences) can arise from any meaningful social groupings, including gender, age cohorts, professions, trades, and other occupational groupings and social institutions. But, in both public discourse and the social science literature, culture is associated primarily with national and ethnic identities and heritage groups, and it is this source of cultural diversity that will be the focus of the present volume.

Diversity arising from the mixing of peoples from different ethnic/national cultural backgrounds has long been an issue for historically “immigrant nations,” such as the United States and Australia. In recent decades, European nations have also reached unprecedented levels of cultural diversity as a consequence of patterns of migration. In 2010, 47.3 million people living in the European Union (EU), or 9.4 percent of the total population, had been born outside their resident country. Of these, 31.4 million (6.3 percent) had been born outside the EU, with the largest absolute numbers of people born outside the EU in Germany (6.4 million), France (5.1 million), the United Kingdom (4.7 million), Spain (4.1 million), Italy (3.2 million), and the Netherlands (1.4 million) (Vasileva, 2011). In many countries, the pre sence of a majority subculture is gradually giving way to demographic changes whereby no single cultural group constitutes a numerical majority. In the US, for example, recent waves of immigration from Asian and Latin American countries, combined with existing cultural minorities (African-Americans, Native Americans), are projected to equal or outnumber the population of white European-Americans by 2040. This phenomenon of increasing cultural diversity at the national level sets the context for current social science research on the consequences and effective management of diversity.

Diversity in the workplace

Cultural diversity at the national level inevitably leads to increasing cultural diversity among employees of large business organizations, educational institu tions, government agencies, and other workplace environments. Again, workplace diversity can be defined along many different dimensions—gender, age and tenure, educational background, etc.—but diversity in cultural background has proven to be the most salient and challenging form of diversity for managers, policy makers, and social scientists. Given that ethnic segregation of residential neighbourhoods is still common, even in highly diverse communities, work provides the context in which individuals are most likely to come into close contact with other individuals from different cultural backgrounds. The workplace is thus the crucible in which intercultural relations in diverse societies are being tested. Effective management of diversity in work organizations has direct implications for both economic productivity and intergroup relationships in the society at large.

Within the social science literature, there are two overarching perspectives on the study of consequences of cultural diversity in the workplace. One is commonly referred to as the value-in-diversity perspective (e.g. Van Knippenberg & Haslam, 2003) which represents the upside of diversity in terms of potential benefits for both individuals and organizations. The basic idea is that differences in cultural traditions imply differences in how issues are conceptualized, what perspectives are brought to problem-solving and goal pursuit, and how solutions are generated and evaluated. Thus, communication across cultural lines increases the range of ideas and cognitive resources that can be brought to bear for purposes of problem-solving, innovation, and planning, as well as benefits for working with diverse clientele. At the individual level, extended contact with other cultures has been found to enhance cognitive flexibility and creativity (Leung et al., 2008). At the group level, diversity is assumed to enhance elaboration of task-relevant information and perspectives within the group, which has a beneficial effect on team functioning (e.g. Kooij-de Bode et al., 2008). Consequently, and because people with different backgrounds and experiences bring unique perspectives to a problem, one might expect demographically diverse teams to be more innovative (e.g. Egan, 2005; Holtzman & Anderberg, 2011; Lubart, 2010).

The second perspective on the study of the consequences of cultural diversity derives from social psychological research and theory on social categorization and social identity, and reflects the potential downside of diversity. Social categorization is implicit in the conceptualization of diversity. According to the social identity theory perspective (Tajfel, 1978), all social categorizations involve a further distinction between ingroups (categories to which the perceiver belongs) and outgroups (categories to which the perceiver does not belong). Social categories, in effect, create we–they, us–them distinctions. When such categorizations also have emotional significance for an individual’s self-concept (ingroup identification), the motivational components of ingroup–outgroup distinctions are engaged. These include ingroup loyalties and favoritism, implicit intergroup rivalries, and negative stereotypes and distrust of outgroup members (Brewer, 1979; Tajfel, 1978). When cultural identities are salient in workgroup contexts, these intergroup processes conspire to impede coordination among members of diverse work teams, reduce effective performance, and lead to a failure to take advantage of the potential benefits of diverse perspectives.

These two perspectives on the consequences of diversity are not competing theories but rather represent two sides of the same coin. There is an inevit able tension between the value of airing differences for the sake of innovation and the risk of activating ingroup–outgroup differentiation. On the one hand, intercultural contact carries the potential for increasing cognitive resources, innovation, and effective problem-solving. On the other hand, confronting differences in worldviews, values, and normative practices challenges individuals’ tolerance for uncertainty and cognitive flexibility and may be seen as threatening to the self and the cultural ingroup. For members of the dominant majority cultural group, threat arises from change in traditional ways of doing things and potential loss of cultural hegemony and privilege. Minority group members face both threat of discrimination from the majority and loss of own cultural identity from pressures to accommodate the dominant culture. Perceived threat in turn elicits resistance, derogation, and hostility toward outgroup members, and/or alienation from the organization. The challenge for diversity management, then, is to recognize the dual-edged nature of diversity effects and to implement policies and practices that will minimize ingroup–outgroup processes and capitalize on the benefits of difference.

The present volume: an overview

This volume represents a collective effort to bring theory, empirical findings, and insights from social and organizational psychology research to bear on the challenges of cultural diversity in the workplace. The contributors share a view that successful diversity management lies in creation of inclusive organizations wherein employees from both majority and minority cultural backgrounds feel safely included and appreciated and, accordingly, function equally well. While our focus is on work organizations, we recognize that diversity management takes place across multiple levels—at the societal or national level, at the level of the organization as a whole or of intraorgan izational work groups and teams, or interpersonal relations within the workgroup, and at the level of individual experiences. Furthermore, we recognize that there are mutual causal relationships influencing the effectiveness of policies and practices across levels. Shared understandings and multicultural policies at the national level constrain and shape the demands that organizations face in creating and implementing effective management, and also influence the attitudes toward diversity that individuals bring with them to the workplace. Official policies and cultural climate at the organizational level impact working relationships at the level of the workgroup and team, which most directly determine the nature of experiences with diversity at the individual level. The experienced consequences of participating in a diverse workplace shape the attitudes and beliefs that individual members of majority and minority cultural groups bring to the national discourse on multiculturalism and thus feed back into national politics and policies.

In recognition of the multi-level structure of diversity management, the organization of the present volume reflects a progression from societal, to organizational, to work team, to individual levels of analysis. In Chapter 2, De Vroome and Verkuyten set the stage by highlighting the importance of economic integration (education and employment) as a determinant of national identification on the part of members of immigrant groups. For many cultural minorities, participation in the workplace is their primary point of contact with the national culture, and experiences in the workplace shape their feelings of national belonging and acceptance. Unemployment or underemployment are associated with alienation from the national identity, while successful participation in education and employment settings promotes positive identification with the nation. The authors point out, however, that there is a dual-edged nature to the consequences of work participation—what they refer to as the “integration paradox.” On the one hand, high educa tion and employment status is associated with social integration, which is positively correlated with national identification. On the other hand, high education and employment status increases exposure to discriminatory practices and outcomes resulting in feelings of relative deprivation that lead to negative attitudes and cynicism toward the host nation.

This insight regarding the integration paradox underscores the critical role that work organizations play in the success of multiculturalism at the national level. Effective integration of minority cultural identities and cultural perspectives in the workplace is essential to overcoming the integration paradox. The four chapters that follow de Vroome and Verkuyten review factors at the level of organizational policies, procedures, and climate that influence whether the workplace provides an inclusive environment and associated effects of cultural diversity for both majority and minority group members.

In Chapter 3, Van der Zee and Otten review alternative perspectives on diversity at the organizational level. Analyses of diversity policies often begin with a distinction between so-called “colorblind” ideology, which advocates evaluation and treatment of employees based solely on individual merit, and multicultural (or “colorful”) ideology, which explicitly acknow ledges and values cultural differences. Van der Zee and Otten expand upon this overly simplified distinction, recognizing more subtle variations in orientations toward diversity and diversity policies across organizations. Building from Ely and Thomas’s (2001) differentiation among three types of diversity orientations, Van der Zee and Otten distinguish five different perspectives that vary in terms of underlying philosophy, evaluation of diver sity, and the determinants of fit between the individual and the organization. They point out that preferences among these alternative models may differ between members of majority and minority cultural groups. Ultimately they advocate for an approach that can be regarded as an extension of the integration-and-learning perspective by Ely and Thomas (2001), which may avoid negative responses among both majority and minority members in that it departs from a definition of diversity limited to cultural background and includes other dimensions such as competencies, age, or gender. This extended integration-and-learning perspective goes beyond a focus on fair treatment, to openly acknowledge and encourage differences, in order to achieve added value and mutual learning from diversity.

As a complement to the focus on organizational policies in Chapter 3, the succeeding chapter by Huo, Binning, and Begeny calls attention to procedures and practices in an organization that convey respect for individual em ployees and their significant group memberships. Respect is defined as feelings of being valued by other group members and by the group as a collective. Huo and colleagues discuss three manifestations of experienced respect that might be particularly relevant to the culturally diverse workplace—personal respect (feelings of being valued by the organization as an individual group member), subgroup respect (perceived valuing of one’s important membership groups, such as ethnic group, within the organization), and intragroup respect (feelings of being valued by other members of one’s own ethnic subgroup in the workplace environment). The authors review results of empirical research assessing the role played by all three types of felt respect in contributing to institutional commitment and personal well being among members of majority and minority ethnic groups. Findings indicate that felt personal respect is an important determinant of feelings of belonging and commitment to the organization on the part of both majorities and minorities, but subgroup respect and intragroup respect are uniquely important to members of minority cultural groups. The authors conclude by suggesting that treatment by institutional authorities in the form of procedural fairness and the way in which multicultural policies are conveyed and implemented are critical to meeting employees’ needs for respect at all three levels.

In Chapter 5, Otten and Jansen continue the theme of felt respect and value as important components of the experience of inclusion in an organization. The authors emphasize that creating an inclusive organization involves more than reducing or eliminating discrimination or exclusion of minority groups. They develop a two-dimensional conceptualization of inclusion that contends that the subjective experience of inclusion requires both a sense of belonging and of individual authenticity. If achieving a sense of belonging comes at the perceived expense of expressing one’s idiosyncratic personality, opinions, or skills in the workplace, the failure of the organization to acknowledge and value authenticity means that it does not meet the definition of full inclusion. From this perspective, creating an inclusive environment requires organizational policies and practices that provide employees with both social identity (organizational belonging) and personal identity within the work context. Like Van der Zee and Otten, this chapter points out that diversity policy orientations may have different implications for minority and majority cultural group members with respect to these two needs. A strictly color blind ideology may convey valuing of individual authenticity but reduces perceived belonging for cultural minorities who do not fully fit the normative expectations represented by the dominant culture. On the other hand, multicultural approaches that explicitly value cultural difference may enhance feelings of belonging for cultural minorities but at the same time reduce experienced inclusion for majority group members (Plaut et al., 2011). Successful diversity management thus rests on finding a fine balance between fulfilling the inclusion needs of both minority and majority groups.

A programmatic approach to achieving a successful balance between valuing difference and creating a shared organizational identity is described in the next chapter by Peters, Haslam, Ryan, and Steffens. Starting from a social identity theory perspective, the authors note that successful integration within a diverse organization requires nurturing dual identification, i.e. simultaneous identification with the organization as a superordinate group identity and with one’s important subgroup(s) within that organization. For dual identification to be successful, individuals must perceive that the values and goals of the organization are aligned with those of their valued subgroups. The authors’ ASPIRe model for organizational leadership prescribes ...

Table des matières

• Cover
• Half Title
• Current Issues in Work and Organizational Psychology
• Title Page
• Copyright Page
• Table of Contents
• List of illustrations
• List of contributors
• 1 Towards inclusive organizations: Introduction
• 2 Labour market participation and immigrants' acculturation
• 3 Organizational perspectives on diversity
• 4 Respect and the viability of ethnically diverse institutions
• 5 Predictors and consequences of exclusion and inclusion at the culturally diverse workplace
• 6 To lead, ASPIRe: Building organic organizational identity
• 7 Creative processes in culturally diverse teams
• 8 Faultlines in diverse teams
• 9 Individuals in the diverse workplace: The role of personality
• Index