Rebel Ireland:From Easter Rising to Civil War

Sean McMahon

• Éditeur: Mercier Press
• Année: 2010
• ISBN:
  9781856357302
• Sujet: History
• Sous-sujet: Irish History

The stories of these conflicts, with their scores of killings, torture, reprisals and long- lasting bitterness are told concisely in this book. &newpara;Easter 1916 – the rebellion which took place in Ireland 90 years ago was arguably the most momentous event in this country's history. &newpara;The War of Independence – the guerrilla war, characterised by marvellous courage and miserable cruelty. &newpara;The Civil War – few episodes in Irish history are as poignant, bloody and unnecessary. &newpara;This book traces the causes, events and consequences of these events. It will help a peaceful generation for which the bloody birth of modern Ireland is ancient history, to gain a better understanding of the essence of their nation.

1.
THE RED-GOLD FLAME

I remember once as a boy half-learning a patriotic song called ‘Who Fears to Speak of Easter Week?’ It was written anonymously by a nun in flattering imitation of ‘The Memory of the Dead’, the famous Ninety-Eight ballad of John Kells Ingram (1823–1907), and began with the quatrain:

Who fears to speak of Easter Week?
Who does its fate deplore?
The red-gold flame of Ireland’s name
Confronts the world once more!

It was written some time after the executions of the leaders of the Easter Rising perhaps during the Anglo-Irish War of 1919–21, when patriotism for a majority of people, especially outside of Ulster, had become pure and simple.

Both before or after those two-and-a-half years the response to 1916 would have been considerably more muddied. The general reaction to the events of Easter Week, as will become clear, was far from enthusiastic throughout the nationalist community. Yet a majority of these people whose reactions varied from rage to hatred would suffer a remarkable change in the weeks and months after Pearse’s unconditional surrender at Great Britain Street (as Parnell Street was then called) at 3.30 p.m. on Saturday, 29 April 1916 to Brigadier-General W. H. M. Lowe. Those who had witnessed the drilling and marching with interest or derision for nearly a year were surprised at the outbreak of fighting and many who watched the volunteers march to their imprisonment in the Rotunda grounds in what seemed like ignominy were soon to cease their mockery and become part of the struggle.

Part of the anger shown by the Dublin citizens originated in the fact that many had fathers, brothers, sons and uncles fighting in the Great War in Irish regiments for a number of reasons, mainly economic, a good number believing that their participation in the ‘war to end wars’ was to be ultimately for the benefit of their own ‘small nation’. Such irreproachable patriots as Arthur Griffith (1871–1922), founder of Sinn Féin, Bulmer Hobson (1883–69), writer and member of the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB); Thomas Kettle (1880–1916), poet, essayist and nationalist MP; Francis Ledwidge (1887–1917) poet and trades union organiser; Robert Lynd (1879–1949), nationalist journalist, essayist and critic, and friend of James Connolly; John Redmond (1856–1918), the leader of the Home Rule party and his deputy John Dillon (1851–1927) were horrified to hear of the occupation of the GPO, City Hall, Boland’s Mills and the other not particularly strategic buildings on Easter Monday, 24 April and felt betrayed that the constitutional and non-violent strategies of the nationalist and Sinn Féin parties which had seemed to successful had been betrayed.

The mixture of dismay and ribaldry that greeted the Rising in the city was muted compared with the general surprise. Yeats’ famous poem ‘Easter 1916’, published in Michael Robartes and the Dancer (1922) underscores this mixture of bewilderment and mockery:

Being certain that they and I
But lived where motley is worn:
All changed, changed utterly:
A terrible beauty is born.

The main reason for the bewilderment was that armed rising was considered a thing of the past; pace the enthusiasm of the reverend balladeer, ‘the red glow flame of Ireland’s name’ had barely flickered for more that a century.

The United Irishmen, rising in the summer of 1798, the ‘Year of Liberty’ with short-lived forays in Antrim, Down, Carlow, Dublin, Mayo and a more effective and longer-lasting insurrection in Wexford was a kind of waking from a long sleep but apart from a kind of limited affray such as Robert Emmet’s premature adventure in Dublin in July 1803 the nineteenth century was relatively quiet. The tithe wars of the 1830s and the continuing agrarian outrages of the secret societies though locally bloody did not amount to world-shaking events. The Young Irelanders led by William Smith O’Brien (1803–64) – the ‘Middle-Aged Irelander’ as he called himself – after the death of Thomas Davis (1814–45) had a risibly unsuccessful and largely bloodless rebellion in 1848 and the Fenians in the 1860s were not much more effective. The Smith O’Brien rising had coincided with the worst year of the Great Famine and the country had changed completely by the time the Fenian Brotherhood were making so much noise in Canada, Manchester and Clerkenwell. Political activity under Isaac Butt (1813–79), Charles Stewart Parnell (1846–91) and John Redmond had been generally constitutional and non-violent, though some of the events of the Land War had been bloody, and aberrations like the murder of Lord Frederick Cavendish, the newly-appointed chief secretary and the under-secretary T. H. Burke, by the Invincibles (an extremist society with Fenian connections) in May 1882 were not unknown.

This sense of inactivity was put succinctly by Roger Casement, one of the significant players in the Rising, in a letter written from Germany to his friend Joe McGarrity of Clan na Gael in April 1915:

So far the mass of the exponents of Irish nationality have contented themselves for over a century with deeds not words.

The Fenian movement did, however, generate two organisations which were to play significant parts in events nearly sixty years later: the IRB and Clan na Gael. The second of these was based in America and by 1870 had 10,000 members. It came under the leadership of John Devoy (1842–1928), a Fenian from County Kildare, who after five years of imprisonment had emigrated to America in 1871. He had played an important part in the Land League agitation of the 1880s and was a sponsor of the Easter Rising, which could be considered as an IRB manifestation even if only a fraction of a fraction of its members were involved. Links had been established by the Americans with this generally disorganised association by 1880 and though it was largely inactive during the leadership of Parnell and the Parliamentary Party it had a revival in the first decade of the new century when the vacuum caused by the leader’s fall and death (1890–1) was filled with a variety of political movements.

Though there was no significant armed revolt during the nineteenth-century there had nevertheless been generated a revolutionary iconography with its own sacred texts. Ninety-Eight had produced contemporary broadsheet ballads and the columns of The Nation (1842–8), the organ of Young Ireland, were filled up with literary ones such as ‘The Memory of the Dead’ and ‘The Croppy Boy’ by William McBurney (1844–92). The centenary of 1798 had produced many more. The celebrations at home and in America and Australia had passed off peacefully but the implicit approval of the aims of the revolutionaries and the enthusiastic singing of such ballads as ‘Boolavogue’ and ‘The Boys of Wexford’ showed that there was still a sentimental (if safe) attachment to what was for many the ‘old cause’. ‘Bold Robert Emmet’ apart from being the subject of a popular turn-of-the century ballad and the protagonist of a popular ‘drama’ as played by travelling companies and many amateur societies, had also left a much-quoted ‘speech from the dock’.

Most significant in light of later claims was the Fenian oath which was taken by all members of both the IRB and Clan na Gael:

I do solemnly swear allegiance to the Irish Republic, now virtually established; that I will take up arms at a moment’s notice to defend its integrity and independence; that I will yield implicit obedience to the commands of my superior, and finally I take this oath in the spirit of the true soldier of liberty. So help me, God.

The words ‘now virtually established’ formed the basis for all subsequent claims of paramilitaries that what they were conducting was a war, the authority of the notional republic being the basis for their moral stance.

The tremendous popularity of Lady Gregory’s play The Rising of the Moon (1907), about the innate nationalism of an RIC sergeant, and of Cathleen Ni Houlihan, the 1798 play that Yeats wrote in 1902 for his revolutionary English born love Maud Gonne (both in their time members of the IRB) showed that there was a living tradition which did not look unkindly on past rebellions, whatever their feelings about a twentieth-century one. Stephen Gwynn (1864–1950), the Protestant nationalist MP and grandson of Smith O’Brien, wrote after seeing Maud Gonne in the play, ‘I went home asking myself if such plays should be produced unless one was prepared to go out and shoot and be shot.’ Yeats too wondered in the year of his death:

Did that play of mine send out
Certain men the English shot?

Apart from the raising of nationalist awareness brought about by the centenary and the conscious Irishness of the Literary Revival there were also in existence two overtly non-political institutions that played a similar part in the rise of the ‘new nationalism’. These were the Gaelic Athletic Association and the Gaelic League and both were deliberate asserters of non-English Irishness. The first, begun in 1884 by Michael Cusack (1847–1906), may very well have been a deliberate initiative by the Fenian movement, specifically organised through the impressionable Cusack by the IRB. Its purpose was the fostering of Gaelic games and the banning of English ones (and the refusal of entry to all security forces, even the RIC) and certainly by the end of the first decade of the new century its membership was strongly IRB-influenced. The Gaelic League was established in 1893 for the purpose of restoring Irish as a literary and spoken language by a County Antrim Catholic Eoin MacNeill (1967–1945), a court clerk and self-taught scholar, and Douglas Hyde (1860–1949) the son of a Connacht clergyman who the previous year had given his inaugural address as president of the National Literary Society on the subject of ‘The Necessity for De-anglicizing the Irish People’.

Both these institutions were eventually effective in their stated aims and both became highly politicised. By 1915 the patently revolutionary aims of such members of the League as Patrick Pearse and MacNeill made it impossible for Hyde to remain. For most of the first twenty years of its existence it had had a considerable number of Protestant – and even unionist – members but after ‘The North Began’, MacNeill’s article written for the League’s journal An Claidheamh Soluis (1899–1918) about the gun-running of the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) in 1912 and the resultant formation of the Irish Volunteers, it could not in any sense be regarded as non-political.

There was, then, at least an emotional awareness of a kind of historical precedent for what has since become known as the ‘armed struggle’ but nothing was further from the intentions of the men of 1916 than a prolonged attrition. The rationale was expressed by Pearse in one of his poems as ‘bloody protest for a glorious thing’ and Yeats, understanding if not approving the gesture, put it well in ‘The Rose Tree’, written a year after the Rising, and consisting of an imagined dialogue between Pearse and Connolly:

There’s nothing but our own red blood
Can make a right rose tree.

All of this was clear in retrospect but few people even among the participants could have known what ‘that delirium of the brave’ would bring about.

2.
IRISH VOLUNTEERS AND THE CITIZEN ARMY

Though speculation about ‘What might have happened in history if ... ?’ is the vainest of parlour games, it is possible that the perceived need for a gesture of military action, which was all the Easter Rising could hope to be, would never have arisen if the Liberal government had been able to face down the intransigence of unionist opposition to what they called with only minimal justification Rome Rule. The impasse had begun to solidify as early as 1912. In response to the Home Rule bill being presented to the Commons on 11 April of that year, 218,000 northern Protestants signed the Solemn League and Covenant. On Ulster Day (28 September) supported by Bonar Law (1858–1923) in Westminster and led at home by the Dublin lawyer Edward Carson (1854–1935) and the Belfast distiller James Craig (1871–1940) they pledged ‘to use all means to prevent the present conspiracy ... ’

Already thanks to the network of Orange and other lodges they had established the Ulster Volunteer Force which was to be armed with 35,000 German rifles landed ‘illegally’ (but with police connivance) at Larne, Bangor and Donaghadee in April 1914, exactly a month before the bill was finally carried. The attitude of the British army had become clear in March in the Curragh Incident when General Gough persuaded fifty-seven out of seventy officers to resign their commissions rather than enforce Home Rule in Ulster. The nature of a possible secession was proving to be as impossible of resolution as any other question involving the well-supported unionists who were, as so often before, pawns in a bitter game of Westminster politics. The Tory party had often found it advantageous to ‘play the Orange card’ in the words of Lord Randolph Churchill, the father of the Liberal government’s first lord of the admiralty, and this was to prove to be the most deadly trick in the game. The Buckingham Palace conference of July 1914 called by George V (reasonably assumed to be on the side of the ‘disloyalists’) had solved nothing when on 4 August Germany invaded Belgium and to everyone’s relief the matter was postponed until ‘the end of hostilities’ which even the army knew would be around Christmas!

The founding of the UVF had not gone unnoticed outside of the four unionist counties of Down, Antrim, Armagh and Derry, nor had the successful gun-running by the Clydevaley. Michael Joseph O’Rahilly (1875–1916), a Kerry journalist who called himself ‘the O’Rahilly’ and expected others to do so too, became editor of An Claidheamh Soluis in 1913 and set about refurbishing it. He asked MacNeill for an editorial for the first issue of 1 November 1913 and got ‘The North Began’, effectively an admonition that Home Rulers should follow the unionists’ example and set up their own armed Irish Volunteers. Three weeks later on 25 November at the Rotunda rink, out of doors because of the numbers, that militia was set up with a strong involvement of the now buoyant if minuscule IRB.

Branches were established throughout the country with, hardly surprisingly, the strongest response in Ulster. This was partly due to the organising ability of Hobson and his IRB colleague Denis McCullough (1883–1968) and partly because northern nationalists not for the first time, nor the last, felt particularly isolated and vulnerable. Redmond was slow at first to support the movement but by 14 June 1914 on being allowed to nominate half the seats on the committee had given his consent and the numbers rose to 160,000. Their arms running was not blinked at by the authorities. Fifteen hundred guns were landed at Howth from the Asgard (navigated by Erskine Childers) on 26 July 1914. The King’s Own Scottish Borderers, returning to barracks, having failed to seize the guns, fired on a jeering crowd in Bachelor’s Walk, killing four and wounding thirty-seven. There were also many baton charges by a force of the Dublin Metropolitan Police (DMP). The incident, though caused by fatigue and misunderstood orders, shocked the nationalist population. Augustine Birrell, the genial and diplomatic chief secretary, set up a commission which found, within a fortnight, that the action of the police and army had been ‘tainted with illegality’ and Birrell sacked the assistant-commissioner of the DMP. The damage was done and it was believed that the official attitude to nationalists was rather different from that to Ulster Protestants.

Birrell was a clever and liberal secretary, a man of culture and a successful belletrist. His handling of affairs in Ireland was subtle and effective, maintaining close links with Redmond and Dillon, and allowing the Volunteers a lot of latitude. He did not regard them as harmless idealists, as his dispatches to the cabinet show, but he was determined not to make martyrs of them. If he was taken by surprise by the events of Easter Monday 1916 it was only because he had read MacNeill’s public announcement of the cancelling of manoeuvres in the Sunday Independent. His perhaps inevitable resignation on 3 May, the day of the first executions, meant that affairs in Ireland were to be handled at a distance by the home secretary, which meant in practice disastrous martial law, administered by a martinet.

John Redmond had led the parliamentary party well and it had seemed that he was about to succeed where his uncrowned king had failed, but without real support from Asquith and Lloyd George he had little hope of handling the unionists. The outbreak of hostilities was a kind of relief even for him. He called for the same support for the war effort as the members of the Ulster division had shown in the north – only after they had been assured that the Home Rule bill had definitely been postponed – and he got it for a number of reasons, not all political. The original Rotunda rink members numbering at most 3,000 broke away, calling themselves the Irish Volunteers, as opposed to Redmond’s National Volunteers. With MacNeill as chief of staff the leaders began to recruit supporters so that by 1916 they could count on 15,000 members. MacNeill was on the whole against a military initiative, except in the extr...

Table des matières

• 1. THE RED-GOLD FLAME
• 2. IRISH VOLUNTEERS AND THE CITIZEN ARMY
• 3. THE PROCLAMATION
• 4. EASTER
• 5. THE EXECUTIONS
• 6. AFTERMATH
• 7. RESORT TO ARMS
• 8. TARGETS
• 9. BLACK AND TANS – AND AUXIES
• 10. BLOODY SUNDAY
• 11. TRUCE
• 12. THE TREATY – AND DOCUMENT NO. 2
• 13. THE FOUR COURTS
• 14. EMERGENCY POWERS
• 15. LEGION OF THE REARGUARD
• CHRONOLOGY OF THE CIVIL WAR
• BIOGRAPHICAL INDEX
• SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY