History

New Imperialism

New Imperialism refers to the late 19th and early 20th-century expansion of European powers into Africa, Asia, and the Pacific. Motivated by economic interests, nationalism, and the desire for global dominance, imperialist nations sought to acquire colonies, resources, and markets. This period was characterized by aggressive military conquest, exploitation of indigenous peoples, and the imposition of colonial rule.

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10 Key excerpts on "New Imperialism"

  • Colonialism
    eBook - ePub
    • Norrie Macqueen(Author)
    • 2014(Publication Date)
    • Routledge
      (Publisher)
    CHAPTER 2

    The ‘New Imperialism’: colonialism to the First World War

    WHAT WAS NEW about the ‘New Imperialism’ of the nineteenth century? In many ways, it could be argued, not all that much. Yes, industrialization altered the economic nature of colonialism. It also changed the social setting in which it was pursued. By opening a technological gap between colonizer and colonized, both the processes and the social relations of colonialism had changed. But it is possible to see these as incremental rather than fundamental transformations. Mercantilism, after all, had given way to free-trade imperialism without bringing a basic change in how European power was exercised overseas. Colonial powers had gained and lost dominance over the previous four centuries, and the geographical focus of colonization had changed frequently without altering the general tempo of the enterprise. However, the striking feature of the New Imperialism was the extent and rapidity of change across all aspects of the colonial venture.
    The sheer pace and range of expansion was breathtaking. In the thirty years before the First World War, an average of around 600,000 square kilometres of the global South was colonized annually by the global North. At the end of this period Europe controlled the major part of the earth's surface. Much of this was acquired through the so-called scramble for Africa. This added the huge landmass of the continent below the Sahara to a colonial swag-bag already loaded with the Asian and American possessions taken in earlier centuries. In addition, the New Imperialism saw the geographical reach of the colonizers extend much further than previously into the Asia-Pacific region. By 1900 colonial rule had already been imposed on 90 per cent of Africa, more than half of Asia and almost the totality of the South Pacific. More than a quarter of the Americas remained under colonial rule despite the disintegration of Spanish and Portuguese power there over the previous century.
  • Empire, Colony, Postcolony
    5 Colonialism and Imperialism
    We have seen that from the earliest days colonies, settlements, or trading posts abroad were established for a number of reasons: freedom of religion, need for land for surplus population, or desire to accumulate wealth through trade or the establishment of plantations. They tended to be created, as a result, on a relatively haphazard, pragmatic basis, driven by the needs of individuals, small groups, or licensed trading companies. Though they became components of particular empires, colonies were not generally planned from the outset as part of an imperial project, and there was often a degree of power struggle between a local desire for autonomy and control by the Crown to which they retained their nominal allegiance, as in the case of Britain’s or Spain’s American colonies.
    Later colonies, especially in the nineteenth century, tended to be established as part of an imperial design. Empire involves universal rule by a sovereign power from the imperial center. Unless the empire is organized through indirect rule as separate fiefdoms, in some degree this requires a bureaucracy of sorts, loyal to the emperor, that will drive its priorities and require its laws to be obeyed throughout the empire. The rationale of empire is regional or global power, internal and external, and, as part of this, the accumulation of wealth. Nineteenth- or twentieth-century European empires did not essentially differ from this model. The word that came to be given to the imperial project as an idea driven from the metropolitan center at the highest level of the state itself was “imperialism.” Imperialism was an overarching concept or ideology that openly advocated and practiced domination over the territories of other peoples of a different race. While colonization was the practice of actual settlement or occupation, the term “colonialism” is used to describe the colonial system that was put into operation in the colony itself, whereby non-Europeans, considered “backward” on racial grounds, were ruled and exploited by European (or Russian or Japanese) rulers or settlers. Colonies were the separate parts of empire, empire was the totality, the complete picture, seen as the product and possession of the imperial state and from its centered perspective. By the late nineteenth century, imperialism also came to be used to describe the development or maintenance of power (“hegemony”) of one country over another through economic, diplomatic, and cultural domination even in the absence of direct colonial occupation.
  • The Origins of Economic Inequality Between Nations
    eBook - ePub

    The Origins of Economic Inequality Between Nations

    A Critique of Western Theories on Development and Underdevelopment

    • Carlos Ramirez-Faria(Author)
    • 2012(Publication Date)
    • Routledge
      (Publisher)
    The anti-imperialist reaction and the Marxist pre-emption of economic-imperialism theory

    Colonialism and social imperialism

    The history of nineteenth-century European economic and military expansion and conquest has an in crescendo quality that is not easy to reconcile with Little-England and other theories about respites in the advance of colonialism. It is this observable fact that makes Lenin's claim concerning Marx's and Engels’ relative ignorance of imperialism seem rather feeble, apart, of course, from the overwhelming textual evidence that, far from not being aware of European expansionism, they used this tendency as a recurrent motif in their writings on politics and on history. It was in fact inescapable even in Marx's cold sober economic analyses, such as those in Capital, a work in which colonial issues from the start of colonialism and onwards come up time and again to illustrate technical arguments.
    It is, however, true that after 1880 there was an indisputable intensification of colonialism coincident with a growth of nationalist tendencies in the major European powers. Ideologically, it is not easy to find a lack of continuity in the history of European nineteenth-century colonialism. For example, the altruistic ‘white man's burden’ motif had never been absent from the literature of colonialism. In one way or another, before and after 1880, the violence of colonialist conquest always submitted to the gloss of world unification or of human progress or of some such fragile idealization. However, the scramble for colonies in the late decades of the nineteenth century had produced incidents and confrontations between powers, and this presaged war, which ill fitted anyone's definition of idealism even if it was itself a social Darwinist paradigm. The idea of the inevitability of international rivalry and struggle led to the doctrine that has been dubbed social imperialism, a phrase first used by the Marxist K. Renner in 1919, although it applies to positions and ideas that were very much in vogue in Western Europe from the 1880s onwards. Social imperialism, which did away with the idealistic and humanitarian jargon of colonialism and colonialist imperialism, had as its manifest immediate objective the harnessing of mass support in the advanced capitalist powers to the cause of colonialist expansion and inter-imperialist contentiousness.
  • Global Political Economy
    eBook - ePub

    Global Political Economy

    A Critique of Contemporary Capitalism

    • V. Upadhyay, Paramjit Singh, V. Upadhyay, Paramjit Singh(Authors)
    • 2021(Publication Date)
    • Routledge
      (Publisher)
  • Even the common thread that they discover is not continuous. It has a break of 3-4 decades in the years immediately after the Second World War.
  • Why focus on continuities rooted in the nature of capital? Rather, look at aspects that are beyond the nature of capital, i.e. on gratis. And, here we need to analyse the powerful manifestations, forms or expressions of the phenomenon. And, if forms change, then that change should be analysed. Therefore, we need to redefine ‘imperialism’ for the present context.
  • Imperialism Today

    Imperialism is not dead: It has yet not been dislodged from the position of captain of the earth ship. Although it is true that Western imperialism faces new unprecedented challenges in the form of emerging multipolarity in world affairs, it however still remains a threat to world peace as ever. The fears posed by Western powers are the reason why the vast majority of global population is unable to choose paths of living of their own choice.
    A new definition of imperialism is required in today’s context. Most importantly, imperialism needs to be delinked from capitalism. Imperialism today needs to be conceptualised in terms of gratis plus the threats that Western countries pose to the rest of the world or even to the planet itself. The dimensions in which imperialism today manifests itself are: colonial, climate change, dangerous technologies, and economic.

    Colonial

    After the Second World War, most of the colonies gained independence from direct Western occupation. In South East Asia, colonial occupation, however, continued till the mid-1970s; and in case of Africa, till the mid-1980s. With the dissolution of the Soviet bloc around 1990, the phase of Western hegemony (unipolarity) started with the US becoming the ‘sole’ superpower. During the early phase of unipolarity, the Western imperialist powers (particularly the USA) generally refrained from pursuing colonial conquests in the Third World countries.
    At the beginning of the 21st
  • J. A. Hobson
    eBook - ePub

    J. A. Hobson

    A Reader

    • Michael Freeden(Author)
    • 2019(Publication Date)
    • Routledge
      (Publisher)
    Economic Foundations of Society, p. 267)]; if we abandoned it we must be content to leave the development of the world to other nations, who will everywhere cut into our trade, and even impair our means of securing the food and raw materials we require to support our population. Imperialism is thus seen to be, not a choice, but a necessity.
    The practical force of this economic argument in politics is strikingly illustrated by the later history of the United States. Here is a country which suddenly broke through a conservative policy, strongly held by both political parties, bound up with every popular instinct and tradition, and flung itself into a rapid imperial career for which it possessed neither the material nor the moral equipment, risking the principles and practices of liberty and equality by the establishment of militarism and the forcible subjugation of peoples which it could not safely admit to the condition of American citizenship.
    Was this a mere wild freak of spread-eaglism, a burst of political ambition on the part of a nation coming to a sudden realization of its destiny? Not at all. The spirit of adventure, the American ‘mission of civilization’, were as forces making for Imperialism, clearly subordinate to the driving force of the economic factor. The dramatic character of the change is due to the unprecedented rapidity of the industrial revolution in the United.States from the eighties onwards. During that period the United States, with her unrivalled natural resources, her immense resources of skilled and unskilled labour, and her genius for invention and organization, developed the best equipped and most productive manufacturing economy the world has yet seen. Fostered by rigid protective tariffs, her metal, textile, tool, clothing, furniture, and other manufactures shot up in a single generation from infancy to full maturity, and, having passed through a period of intense competition, attained, under the able control of great trust-makers, a power of production greater than has been attained in the most advanced industrial countries of Europe.
    An era of cut-throat competition, followed by a rapid process of amalgamation, threw an enormous quantity of wealth into the hands of a small number of captains of industry. No luxury of living to which this class could attain kept pace with its rise of income, and a process of automatic saving set in upon an unprecedented scale. The investment of these savings in other industries helped to bring these under the same concentrative forces. Thus a great increase of savings seeking profitable investment is synchronous with a stricter economy of the use of existing capital. No doubt the rapid growth of a population, accustomed to a high and an always ascending standard of comfort, absorbs in the satisfaction of its wants a large quantity of new capital. But the actual rate of saving, conjoined with a more economical application of forms of existing capital, exceeded considerably the rise of the national consumption of manufactures. The power of production far outstripped the actual rate of consumption, and, contrary to the older economic theory, was unable to force a corresponding increase of consumption by lowering prices.
  • Reorienting the 19th Century
    eBook - ePub

    Reorienting the 19th Century

    Global Economy in the Continuing Asian Age

    • Andre Gunder Frank, Robert A. Denemark(Authors)
    • 2015(Publication Date)
    • Routledge
      (Publisher)
    Britain in particular saw population grow from 27 million in 1850 to 35 million in 1880, or by only 30 percent, and Germany by 25 percent. If we include European Russians and their migration to Siberia, the total rises to 212 million in 1850 and 270 million in 1880, or by 27 percent. Thus, while in 1850 North America had only 10 percent of this combined North Atlantic population, by 1880 that had risen to almost 30 percent, and correspondingly the European share had fallen from about 90 percent to 70 percent (numbers rounded from the Woytinskys [1953: 44]). European immigration to other settler countries like Canada, Australia, and New Zealand that are included in Maddison’s “European Offspring” category had similar if less spectacular results. Strictly speaking, Argentina and Uruguay, though located in South America, belong in this category as well. Bairoch (1997: II-557) offers a conveniently clarifying summary. In 1700, 3 million or 2 percent of people of European descent lived outside Europe. By 1913, they were 150 million and 31 percent. That had to make an enormous difference. In any case, as McKeown summarizes, “Concurrent growth around the world was not coincidental, but linked through an increasingly integrated global economy. It was a world on the move, flowing into factories, construction projects, mines, plantations, agricultural frontiers, and commercial networks across the globe” (2004: 171).

    Trade: Total, Regional, by Product and Terms of Trade

    This was the period of classical imperialism, European colonialism in Asia and Africa, and the “imperialism of free trade.” But while this period was in the nineteenth century, it was not representative of the nineteenth century, contrary to the explicit and often only implicit suggestion that this was the nineteenth century. It is essential to understand and therefore worth repeating that we are dealing with a period of only the last three, and especially the last two, decades of the nineteenth century, and that they marked a, indeed the , major quantitative and qualitative political economic departure from previous history. It was essentially (only) during this period that the major East to West geopolitical economic worldwide shift occurred to which Pomeranz (2000a) refers as The Great Divergence . For it was the decade of the 1870s in which the “second” industrial revolution took off in Western Europe and then North America, and in which simultaneously the defensive and sometimes still even offensive nationalist postures and policies of East and West Asians, Africans, and Latin Americans were defeating or were being defeated by the Europeans.
    The principal instruments of their so doing were two, and they were related. One was the quantitative and qualitative transformation of the global division of labor and system of world trade and payments into the hierarchical multilateral one analyzed in this chapter. Britain and then Western Europe and the United States benefited most, and to a lesser extent the temperate regions of new but still sparse European settlement, at the greatest expense of the tropical regions that were the homes of the bulk of global population. The other instrument was the colonial and neocolonial state that intervened to make this new global division of labor and world trade work. Colonial states were both those that did the colonizing and the ones that they colonized directly and indirectly, but still effectively through the “imperialism of free trade.” These included the “comprador bourgeois” of China and the neocolonial Ottoman and Persian states in West Asia, and in Latin America. Among the major instruments for doing so were “unequal treaties” using military, political, and/or debt leverage to permit or require low or no tariff access to their markets and related fiscal and monetary policies, and purchase at favorable prices in the guise of “foreign investment” of their often already previously nationally installed economic infrastructure like railways and ports, and other measures of imperial preference to the enterprises and merchants of one or another European imperializing power.
  • The European Colonial Empires
    eBook - ePub
    • H. L. Wesseling(Author)
    • 2015(Publication Date)
    • Routledge
      (Publisher)
    The question is, why did the transition from a relatively tranquil imperialism to a very restless imperialism take place then and not earlier or later? To answer this question, we must examine both the means and the motives. The presence of the imperialist means of power, in other words the very substantial differences in power that had arisen between the colonial and the overseas peoples, was a prerequisite of imperialism. Without this, imperialism would not have been possible. This condition was insufficient in itself, however. Differences in power do not explain everything. It is necessary to consider the motives that prompted the Europeans to make use of this power.
    As far as the means are concerned, it is important to observe that they became available gradually in the course of the nineteenth century. One important point was the development of the medical sector. Although the European armies continued to suffer substantial losses as a result of disease, the chances of survival were rising considerably. Another factor was technological advancement: railways, steamboats, canals, telegraph wires – these all created the infrastructure necessary for an imperial system. The revolution in firearms put a tremendous instrument of power in the hands of the colonial armies. Without all these material developments, colonial expansion in the late nineteenth century would not have been possible.
    But what induced the European countries (and later also the United States and Japan) to use these means of power? The answer to this question has traditionally been sought in changes within Europe. Hobson, for example, found the reason in the development of the capitalist system, others in changes in the European states system, diplomatic and strategic interests, as well as such ideological factors as nationalism and racism. Changes in the overseas world must not be overlooked either. In fact, European colonial campaigns were often reactions to events taking place outside Europe, which were the result of the dynamic interaction between European and overseas economies and societies. For example, the shift in demand from slaves to agricultural products led to internal shifts of power in the African world. Increasing entwinement and conflicting financial interests between North African and European states had political consequences that took the form of nationalist or rather proto-nationalist movements. Economic and social changes in South Africa upset the internal balance of power. The causes of new colonial activities discussed earlier were in turn the consequences of the dynamism of European capitalism. They cannot therefore be regarded as the source of imperialism, although they do explain the emergence of imperialist activities in the period 1870–1914 that had not been present before.
  • Constructing A Colonial People
    eBook - ePub

    Constructing A Colonial People

    Puerto Rico And The United States, 1898-1932

    • Pedro A Caban(Author)
    • 2018(Publication Date)
    • Routledge
      (Publisher)
    1U.S. Imperialism and the New Colonial Era
    The advent of the United States of America as the greatest of world-Powers is the greatest political, social, and commercial phenomenon of our times. It is only when we look at the manifold manifestations of the exuberant energy of the United States that we realize how comparatively insignificant are all the other events of our time.
    William T. Stead, 1901

    Extending the Empire Overseas

    Economic dislocations and political disorders during the last decade of the nineteenth century convinced policymakers and important business interests of the need for the United States to acquire external commercial markets. But in the context of late-nineteenth-century European imperialism the development of markets was not necessarily a benign process of investment and trade. The corollary of the imperative for market expansion was a militaristic drive for territorial acquisition. Overcoming economic crisis and fear that the commercial opportunities necessary to overcome this crisis would be lost moved the United States to war. The country pursued war against Spain in 1898 to defeat the aging empire and wrest control of its last remaining colonies in the Caribbean Sea and Pacific Ocean. On these strategic insular possessions the United States built naval bases and cable and coaling stations, from which it launched a campaign of economic penetration into Latin America and China. Puerto Rico, more than any other former Spanish possession, was the hapless victim of an explosive U.S. drive to assert military and naval hegemony in the Caribbean.
    In the context of growing late-nineteenth-century European commercial interest in Latin America and German aspirations for a Caribbean naval base, Puerto Rico quickly emerged as a potentially important asset to the United States. Its strategic value rose as a direct consequence of U.S. commercial expansion into Latin America in the early twentieth century. German war plans in the early 1900s to establish a naval presence in the Caribbean only heightened U.S. resolve to retain colonial control over Puerto Rico. Once the Panama Canal was operational, Puerto Rico's strategic significance escalated further. Puerto Rico was important to the U.S. for other reasons as well; it served as an experimental station for colonial administration and was a laboratory to design and test the campaign to Americanize a subject people. Puerto Rico was envisioned as a cultural bridge that would serve to link North and South America. By 1932 Puerto Rico had been transformed into an invaluable outpost of the empire and an important agricultural asset that supplied the United States with 14 percent of the sugar its people consumed. The reasons for Puerto Rico's annexation and its role in the emerging commercial empire of the United States are the themes of this chapter.
  • Japan 1868-1945
    eBook - ePub

    Japan 1868-1945

    From Isolation to Occupation

    • Takao Matsumura, John Benson(Authors)
    • 2014(Publication Date)
    • Routledge
      (Publisher)
    15
    However, strategic, military and economic factors alone do not explain the move to, or the timing of, Japanese imperial development. Domestic politics and the desire for international prestige also played a part. An expansive foreign policy could be used to distract attention from day-today discontents at home, and the acquisition of an empire provided, it was recognised, one of the key indicators of great power status. Indeed, Japanese leaders were able to claim, without undue hypocrisy, that in establishing their overseas empire they were merely following the example that had been set them by the Western powers.16
    Nor should the balance of international relations be overlooked. Japan was weaker than the Western powers, but stronger than her Asian neighbours. This meant not only that Japan acquired her imperial possessions later than the Western powers, but that when she did so the empire she established was substantially different from theirs. It is well known, of course, that between 1870 and 1914, the years of the so-called ‘Age of Imperialism’, the British, French, Germans and Americans expanded their empires by annexing independent, thinly populated countries in distant parts of the world with which they had very little in common.17
    It is less widely understood, perhaps, that the Japanese empire took a very different form. The Japanese established their empire by asserting control over the neighbouring, often well populated, colonies of the Western powers with which they had a good deal in common. ‘If comparisons are to be made/ suggests Duus, ‘then perhaps Japanese expansion on the Asian mainland should be compared with the British in Ireland, the Germans in central Europe, the Russians in the Balkans and Central Asia/ The result was that the Japanese empire was a good deal more homogeneous than those of the Western powers.18
  • Rosa Luxemburg and the Critique of Political Economy
    • Riccardo Bellofiore(Author)
    • 2009(Publication Date)
    • Routledge
      (Publisher)
    8 Imperialism today Joseph Halevi

    Introduction

    Economic theories of imperialism were developed when (i) large corporations began to dominate production and markets, thereby bringing to an end the vision according to which economies expand endogenously by means of competitive accumulation in the Smithian and early Marxian sense (Sylos Labini, 1993), and (ii) the issue of surplus production and capital, connected to the phenomenon described in (i), began to seriously occupy the minds and action of policy-makers and related institutional bodies. In this respect the USA occupies a special place as it was a trail blazer in imperialism and its manifestation as a quest for markets and capital outlets. By the end of the nineteenth century Britain was already on its way to becoming a rentier-oriented economy and its main concern was how it could, using the crucial role of Indian net exports to the world in order to effect a transfer back to the British metropolis, manage international capital flows in order to deal with a deepening balance of payments deficit. In the same period, however, the USA’s concern centred on how to guarantee an appropriate level of international demand for its output. The latter was deemed to be chronically in excess of that required to meet domestic demand. The preoccupation was best expressed by the State Department in a memorandum dated 1898, the year of the American-Spanish War, which was to bring Washington into Asia through the occupation of the Philippines.
    It seems to be conceded that every year we shall be confronted with an increasing surplus of manufactured goods for sale in foreign markets if American operatives and artisans are to be kept employed the year around. The enlargement of foreign consumption of the products of our mills and workshops has, therefore, become a serious problem of statesmanship as well as of commerce.
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