A good part of the work undertaken by the Congregation for Extraordinary Ecclesiastical Affairs during the Benedict XV’s pontificate, indeed second only to Europe, concerned Latin America. Since a great hurdle in this region was that of reclaiming the Church’s freedom from the control of local Governments, it seems useful to present a brief excursus of the relationship between the Holy See and these states in the period between the nineteenth and the twentieth century.
Throughout the nineteenth century, the Congregation for Extraordinary Ecclesiastical Affairs assumed competency even over ordinary matters in this region and it is only in the years following the Curial reform of Pius X, specifically in the 1916 document [1] , that its competency was limited only to affairs of a political-ecclesiastical nature, that is the relationship with the State.
Out of the total of 73 issues treated during the sessions of this Congregation held under Benedict XV’s pontificate, 15 concerned Latin American States, amounting to 20% of the work of the Congregation in session. Historiography has largely ignored this aspect of the pontificate. It proves useful to consider the general historical context to the development of relations between the Holy See and these Latin America Republics. As throughout the course of the first half of the nineteenth century these republics gained their independence from Spain, they generally descended into a state of political anarchy, coming under the control of local caudillos, in a continual war both with neighbouring states, as well as within the states themselves. The latter part of the nineteenth century ushered in a period of profound transformation on every level, that is political, social, economical and cultural, which historiography terms as the period of ‘modernization’ or of the ‘positivist hegemony’ of these states [2] , a period which coincides with our study, for it extends till at least the end of the First World War. By the beginning of Pius X’s pontificate, Latin Ameri ca had passed well into the political and economical orbit of the United States. This period is also marked by the great migrations of Europeans to the American continent, leading to a profound social and cultural revolution through what is considered the Europeanization of Latin America, as its governing elites are taken up by the newly imported European influence. Whatever the differences that distinguished these states, they were all marked by a shared fascination with a positivist ideology, animated by the same utopia of freedom and democracy, yet firmly dependent on the capitalist system of the United States and the influence of Anglo-American diplomacy.
Even though the main interest of the Holy See continued to be directed to the European continent, that remained the centre of the Catholic world, during Pius X’s pontificate, a certain awakening towards the need to establish new relationships with peoples and cultures beyond the European confines is evident. Historiographical interest in both the pontificates of Pius X and Benedict XV has as always remained limited to European concerns; for the first, in the relationship of the Holy See to France, Portugal and Spain, for the second, largely to the issues related to the First World War.
Even though the emphasis on ‘Romano-centrism’ certainly did not aid the Church to look beyond the European confines, already during Leo XIII’s pontificate, the Holy See duly notes the importance of the Latin American continent for the Church’s future. Historiography has come to recognize the importance of the 1899 Plenary Latin American Council, one which must be read both as a continuation of Pius IX’s efforts against rationalism and secularism, as well as in the light of the whole movement towards Roman centralization. It is significant for the present study that it can be ascertained that this council was planned out by the Congregation for Extraordinary Ecclesiastical Affairs, under whose remit even the ordinary affairs of the Latin American Church fell in this period. Rome read the reality of the Church in Latin America in the following terms [3] :
1. Latin America constituted one whole indistinguishable body, independently of regional differences and problems. Rome could not permit divisions or regional and ethnic differentiations in what it regarded as one large Catholic family in a Catholic continent.
2. The fundamental problem was the clergy: their scarcity and lack of formation. As such the council was an attempt at imposing upon the bishops the Roman criteria for a clergy freed from a spirit of regalism and imbued by a renewed apostolic and missionary zeal.
3. As a result what was necessary was a reform of the clergy, so that through them one can form the Catholic laity to have a greater intellectual and political role in the running of their countries.
The Holy See sought to implement this reform through its diplomatic presence in the region that is through its Inter-Nuncios and Apostolic Delegates. A constant stumbling block remained: those privileges governments presumed to have inherited from the Spanish crown over the Church. Therefore, the Holy See’s efforts were brought completely at odds with these governments fully imbued with the spirit of a militant liberalism and an anti-clerical mentality. Considering the militant secularism and rampant nationalistic spirits that fomented continual wars in this continent, the council must also be interpreted as the Roman attempt to create a united Catholic body in Latin America against all the forces opposing the Church.
Pius X’s pontificate with its missionary emphasis must be read as a continuation of this plan, despite significant changes as to the instruments for its application [4] . He took a vivid interest in these regions. In fact, a certain historiography has come to consider him as the pope of Latin America [5] . The grave political, social and religious crisis became a source of serious concern for the Holy See. The liberal project to impose a separation between Church and State and to reduce the Church solely to the private sphere, together with the negation of the real sovereignty of the Church, is considered as a new form of apostasy. Unlike his predecessor, Pius X was no longer interested in the diplomatic apparatus. For him the Christian restoration of society could not be guaranteed by diplomatic pacts, but rather through a thorough internal reform of the Church on every level [6] . Therefore, Pius X broke off from an often more conciliatory politics with these secular governments, one which came at a cost of grave concessions, and returned as Aubert notes, to the intransigence of Pius IX:
preoccupato come era dell’idea di rivendicare alla chiesa Cattolica la propria completa libertà d’azione, di fronte al potere civile e di riaffermare senza sfumature il suo diritto di controllarne il comportamento negli affari temporali [7] .
During Benedict XV’s pontificate, the Holy See’s evaluation of the grave crisis permeating Latin American society remains unchanged. This is evidenced by the sessions concerning Latin American issues in this study. The issues for the Holy See remain the same. The doctrinal basis continues to be that outlined during the Plenary Council discussed; the challenges presented by the political class in these states remain largely unchanged. The aim in a certain sense remains that articulated by Pius X: claiming back for the Church freedom from civil authorities, and the creation of a Local Church faithful to Rome. The cardinals maintain the intransigence that marked Pius X’s pontificate on these points. However, a certain politics of compromise, as in the case of Santiago in Chile and the already mentioned nomination of mgr. Errázuriz [8] , is at certain times inevitable. Another difference is the return to a greater emphasis on the diplomatic apparatus to improve the situation of the Church in these countries, a pivotal point in Leo XIII’s politics. Such a return is evidenced by the cardinals’ already mentioned discussion of 1914, on elevating the Inter-Nunciature in Argentina to the rank of Nunciature. The cardinals are not ready to concede this, but Gasparri very pragmatically understands the necessity to keep such moves on the cards, to strengthen the diplomatic apparatus in these regions if necessary, for «cadendo la rappresentanza diplomatica della S. Sede in Europa, bisogna forse sollevarla nell’America» [9] . The possibility of future concordats is also back on the table again for the cardinals [10] .
Therefore, the policy of the Congregation for Extraordinary Ecclesiastical affairs for these Latin American Republics remains that already set at the Plenary Council; its priorities and articulation continue with the demands set during the previous three pontificates, intent on the re-establishment of a new Christian social order, re-Christianising society and these States [11] .
1.1 Peru
The year 1916 opens with the cardinals’ attention turning towards Latin American countries, starting with a congregation on Peruvian matters [12] held on 3rd February, motivated by political developments namely, a reform of the fourth article of this country’s constitution, accompanied by the promulgation of a law allowing freedom of worship. The cardinals were asked to express their views as to the persistence or not of the giuspatronato presumed by the Peruvian President. As the Apostolic Delegate mgr. Angelo Giacinto Scapardini noted, the suppression of the second part of Article IV «y no permite el ejercicio público de otra alguna Religión» [13] , in effect allowed for the legalization of the freedom of worship ( libertà dei culti), which in practice had long been tolerated. This in turn had made possible the infiltration of protestant ideas, even in schools [14] . The constitutional reform voted and promulgated by Congress on 11 November 1915 allowed the introduction of the law on the freedom of worship the following day [15] . As Scapardini notes, the issue concerned the separation between Church and State; indeed with the reform of Article IV of the Constitution, «Il partito liberale dunque, canta la sua prima vittoria nel campo della lotta voluta dal suo programma para propender á la completa separación de la Iglesia y del Estado» [16] .
The Ponenza explains that such laws contrary to the Catholic Church had not passed without resistance, and indeed refers to «il modo precipitoso e tumultuario, ma anche del procedimento irregolare onde la legge è entrata in vigore per imposizione dei liberali, istigati pure dei protestanti stabilitisi nella Repubblica» [17] . In fact, Catholics had sought to block this law in Congress by making sure that on the day chosen for the vote, the number of members present would be less than the legal quota required for a vote to take place. The President of the Republic, Pardo, at the request of the Apostolic Delegate, had also refused to sign this law, which in turn led to its promulgation by the National Assembly.
The first issue that the cardinals are asked to resolve, is whether, because of this constitutional reform, «non debba ritenersi come decaduto ipso iure il privilegio del ‘patronato’ [18] concesso a questa Repubblica» [19] . The question raised is as to what is required on the Government’s part by the word «perseveranza» in defence of the Catholic religion, as the condition for the President to continue to enjoy the Patronato granted to it by Praeclara Inter. The cardinals’ discussion turns on whether the concession granted by Pius IX depends on the integrity of article 4 of the Constitution, as implied by the fact that this article is quoted in full in the preamble of the apostolic letter previously mentioned. Since the granting of the Giuspatronato to the President pro tempore of Peru, by Pius IX’s Apostolic Letter Praeclara Inter [20] , dated 16 March 1875, the Government’s attitude towards the Church had worsened, which led it to often interfere abusively in very serious matters. This article’s reform was only one symptom of the already greatly troubled relationship between Church and State in this country.
Secondly, the cardinals are urged to reflect upon the practical consequences that would follow from the denunciation of this privilege by the Holy See. By such a step, would the Church truly gain absolute freedom from the State? Or rather would the Church find itself in a worse position, since the State would likely claim that its rights derive from the Patronato Nazionale [21] ? There was also the risk that by such a denunciation the Church would simply be submitting to the game of the liberal and radical parties to the further detriment of the Local Church [22] .
The cardinals are divided on the point as to whether the giuspatronato is still or as the majority, including Vico, Merry del Val, Tonti, and Gasparri believed, it had ceased to exist [23] . Indeed, these cardinals express their surprise that such an ample privilege had ever been conceded by Pius IX. Gasparri remarks that the relative acts...