In most Western, industrialised countries, significant strides have been made in enhancing and promoting the rights of lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) people. In the United Kingdom, sexual orientation constitutes one of nine protected characteristics under the Equality Act 2010, which prohibits discrimination on the basis of these characteristics and attempts to promote a fair and more equal society. LGB identities are much more visible than ever before. Many sexual minority individuals have opted for a civil partnership or gay marriage. Many have become parents. More generally, the differing norms, values and practices associated with LGB identities are more socially accepted.
Yet, despite these important advances, social and psychological challenges remain. At a social level, many sexual minority individuals continue to face stigma, prejudice and discrimination on the basis of their sexual orientation. Some forms of stigma are overt, while others are subtle. At a psychological level, sexual minority individuals may themselves come to internalise the stigma that they encounter, leading to decreased self-esteem and problematic relationships with others. At an interpersonal level, some LGB people decide not to disclose their identity to others in order to avoid stigma and other negative outcomes. Moreover, both physical and mental health outcomes are known to be poorer in LGB people than in the general population. Much of the stigma associated with homosexuality stems from the perceptions that people in the general population and, in some cases, LGB people themselves hold about the ‘origins’ of homosexuality.
This volume focuses on the social psychology of gay men—a heterogeneous group within the LGB umbrella category. Several important social psychological themes—each with a long-standing tradition of theory, research and practice—are reconsidered in relation to gay men. These include the science of sexual orientation, identity, personal relationships, intergroup relations, sexual behaviour, and health. It is easy to see how gay men’s experiences of these issues may differ from those of other LGB groups. For instance, gay men are disproportionately affected by HIV and poor sexual health outcomes compared to other LGB groups. Moreover, sexual behaviour between gay men has been more stigmatised, and even criminalised, than that between lesbian women, for instance. The experience of ageing among gay men often differs from that of lesbian women who, for instance, have greater parenting options than gay men.
Drawing on identity process theory (Jaspal & Breakwell, 2014) and social representations theory (Moscovici, 1988), this volume aims to develop an integrative theoretical framework within which the unique social and psychological aspects of gay men’s lives can be collectively understood and examined. In this chapter, a case is presented for developing a social psychology of gay men. First, two case studies are presented to illustrate the diverse and complex social psychological factors that come into play when considering the lives of gay men. Second, a brief history of the construction, development and protection of gay social identity in Britain is summarised. Third, social representations theory is described and its potential utility in a social psychology of gay men is outlined.
Gay Men’s Lives: Two Case Studies
To illustrate the central foci of this volume on the social psychology of gay men, two case studies of gay men are presented. It should be noted that the case studies describe actual real-life cases observed in empirical research conducted by the author over the last decade, although some details have been changed or omitted to prevent identification.
Case Study 1: James
James is a 33-year-old gay man from Leicester. He came out as gay at the age of 18 just before starting university in London. He did not have a positive relationship with his parents or siblings who were unsupportive when he came out as gay . James had always felt dissatisfied with his body and, consequently, had low self-esteem—he did not think that any man would be interested in him. After completing his degree, he remained in London where he found a job and decided to move in with some gay friends. There was not much of a gay scene in his hometown so he was pleased to be living in London. While most of his friends preferred casual sex, James had always dreamed of settling down with one person and possibly getting married. However, all of his friends were in open relationships, none believed in monogamy and most of them actually ridiculed him for being ‘too straight’ in his worldview. James met and fell in love with his boyfriend Jack last year. However, his poor body image and self-esteem resurfaced and he began to feel insecure—especially about his level of attractiveness to Jack. Though they initially planned to be monogamous, a few months ago James reluctantly agreed to Jack’s suggestion that they open their relationship to other sexual partners. They now use Grindr 1 to find other men for sex and regularly attend gay sex parties and gay saunas. James sometimes feels jealous and would prefer to keep his relationship monogamous but he fears that he might lose Jack if he voices this desire. They have also recently started using ‘chems’2 during sex with other people and, although he does not enjoy it much, James feels compelled to join in. One advantage that he perceives is that the chems do allow him to escape his feelings of insecurity about his body image . James is unhappy about his current situation but believes that none of his friends would understand his perspective.
Case Study 2: Sandeep
Sandeep, aged 23, is a British Indian Sikh gay man from Derby. Since early adolescence, he knew that he was attracted to men and could not imagine being with a woman. Sandeep believes that his parents would not accept his sexual orientation so he has always tried to conceal it from them. At school, Sandeep was bullied for ‘acting gay’ and rumours about his sexual orientation began to circulate. He did not tell his parents about the bullying because he was afraid that they would find out the reason for it. His elder sister confronted him about his sexual orientation but, given her hostility, he denied it. His cousins mocked him for being girly and disliking football, and joked that that must be gay . Sandeep felt exposed. Collectively, these childhood experiences left him feeling vulnerable, fearful and ashamed. When Sandeep went to university in Manchester, he told nobody about his sexual orientation but occasionally used Grindr and other mobile applications to meet other gay men. He met his Raj, also of Indian Sikh background, on Grindr . Although initially happy together, their relationship progressively faced significant pressure. Raj was more comfortable with his sexual identity than Sandeep, who continued to struggle with it. Raj wanted to be introduced to Sandeep’s friends, while Sandeep preferred their relationship to remain a secret. Sandeep and Raj were expected to return to their respective family homes during the university holidays and their parents were not aware of their relationship. When Raj came out to his parents, they accepted his relationship and he expected Sandeep to follow suit. However, Sandeep did not feel ready to tell his parents who, by that point, were beginning to raise the topic of an arranged marriage. Their relationship broke down and Sandeep was devastated. Having concealed his relationship from others, he could not share his feelings with his family or friends, all of whom assumed he was straight. He has slipped into depression , become avoidant and has no reliable source of social or psychological support. Sandeep has started to drink alcohol excessively and to use drugs to try to escape the stress of his break-up. He is increasingly engaging in casual sex with strangers—often without condoms—because he does not really think, or even care, about the potential consequences of his actions.
These case studies evoke several important themes: body image dissatisfaction, poor self-esteem, coercive social norms on the gay scene, (internalised) homophobia, the formation and breakdown of romantic relationships, the family, mental health and many others. The antecedents and consequences of these men’s experiences are complexly rooted in social and psychological factors, which are intertwined and interdependent. In other words, any given event will affect an individual’s psychological wellbeing only under a specific set of social and psychological circumstances. An act of homophobia, for instance, will plausibly undermine the wellbeing of an individual who himself has internalised homophobia, while another gay man, proud of his gay identity and surrounded by a supportive network of gay friends, will probably resist and challenge the homophobia that he encounters.
The reciprocal relationship between the social and the psychological levels is clearly evidenced in the two case studies. James’ desire to be in a monogamous relationship can probably be attributed to a personality trait that predisposes him to favour such a relationship style, while the social context in which he is embedded appears to stigmatise the prospect of a monogamous relationship. Sandeep has been socialised in a culture in which homosexuality is severely stigmatised which has led him to internalise this stigma and to experience negative emotions, such as shame, guilt and fear, in response to his sexual orientation. The resultant negative psychological state has in turn adversely impacted his interpersonal relationships.
The two case...