Illusion and Reality
In the beginning, it seemed such a noble quest. Yet, as the years passed that dream seemed to fade and more mundane concerns became the focus of attention in much that was done and attempted in the politics of education, the subject of the following historical survey. At the subject’s core are myths galore: that larger institutions, higher expenditure and bespoke premises would yield better results, however defined; that politicians make policy leaving it to others to carry it out; that corporate management has been a boon, both to local government and to education, that the quest to reorganize is rationally rooted; and that it can be presumed reforms to address perceived deficiencies will, at the very least, be an antidote to inertia. Such tacitly-held assumptions will be placed beneath the lens as will be other, and, for the most part, more positive beliefs entertained over the last seventy years. For, truth to tell, it is a record of accomplishment, as well as one of thrashing around to marginal beneficial effect, if the international comparative performance tables are to be believed.
A History in Three Phases
The narrative falls into three phases: 1945–1979, 1979–1997, and 1997 to the present . The phases are not discrete and alternative categorization would be possible, for example, there is a case for identifying the winter of 1973/1974, under a Labour government, as the commencement of the second phase as demonstrated in Chapter 3 . It will be noted, too, in Chapter 5 , that in the case of Northern Ireland, the commencement of the phases is at variance occasioned by local conditions. Nevertheless, what is proposed here accommodates fundamental shifts in emphasis in the nature and operation of local government’s education service, the second phase’s commencement in 1979 coinciding with the advent of a Conservative government. The first was categorized by the high autonomy of that service; its focus upon supply, of staff, buildings, and resources generally; its general dominance; its operation within a culture of trust with its partners, central government, the churches, parents, and teachers; its tacit assumption that the purpose of education was about cultural enrichment; and its reluctance either to direct the curriculum or to be inquisitorial. The second phase, its commencement the advent of the Thatcher administration; confirmation of the rise of consumerism ; the passing of a less deferential age; and the subordination of the education service to corporate management . The third phase, commencing on the eve of the new millennium, coincides with devolution; a general adaptation of the Global Education Reform Movement , a focus upon institutional performance and assessment, international comparisons, and education’s economic purpose; a side-lining of local government; centralizing of direction; and, in England, free schools , and academies .
Beyond These Islands
Though the focus of immediate attention is the United Kingdom, it is little to be doubted that what is to be revealed had its counterpart in other countries. The lessons learnt here might well have relevance elsewhere. Nor need it be supposed that any special virtue attaches to experience in these islands. In any case, pioneering institutions can ossify and have often more to learn in due time from those they once inspired. It is also the case that there is much that has a common foundation throughout the world. The research, for example, of Dunbar , has convincingly shown that in general, the optimum organization for relationships of any significant substance numbers not more than 120, and that this has remained the case for thousands of years and is commonplace throughout the world. By the same token, the insights offered by Elmore relating to the factors principally contributing to real and lasting institutional success clearly merit replication. His analysis of conditions in New York ’s second district shows how sustained improvement throughout a system, rather than in an isolated and necessarily contrived situation subjected to a concentrated energy, can be accomplished.
The writer’s own insights, gathered in study tours of British Columbia , Ontario , Finland , Texas , and West Virginia , powerfully suggest a commonality of basic conditions and the absolute need to be open to learn from each other’s experience. As critically noted in the following account, many countries were outperforming the UK and were successfully finding the means to produce exemplary results. It was not to be doubted that here was warrant to believe in the need for an exchange of practices. As demonstrated in the following narrative, the findings of the OECD proved to be a decisive influence on UK politicians and educationists. Reactions however, varied. Some defensively, initially challenging their relevance or interpretation. Duly, their validity accepted, they became the spur to reform. This latter process has led to much soul-searching and, again, as illustrated in the narrative, some of the reactions proved to be, in the light of subsequent reviews, harmful over-reactions. Nevertheless, the OECD has proved to be a major influence for good and an important means by which trial and error in each country can play its part in raising international standards.
A United Kingdom Analysis
What is being examined relates to the four home countries. Whilst some deal with England, with its considerably larger population and because many London perspectives informed developments more widely, particular attention has also been paid to Northern Ireland , Scotland , and Wales . Therein there are common characteristics: comparable patterns of social mobility and inequality, similar patterns of certification, and a labour market that had sustained a distinct pattern of a relatively low level of full-time post 16 education and training. There are differences in nomenclature. But beyond that, the patterns were never identical. Relations between the principal actors—churches, teachers, parents, government, and local government—greatly vary. There are strong differences in attitude towards selection and social inclusion. The roles of the churches and private education vary considerably between the four countries. The economic conditions of Wales and Scotland powerfully shaped Britain’s welfare state. Since the 1970s, Conservatives and New Labour have remade Britain with the preoccupation of target setting and powerful institutional management. There is, in consequence, a strong case for studying what has worked or not worked throughout the four countries.
Phase 1: 1945–1979
The principal initial focus is from the passing of the Education Act of 1944 [1945, in Scotland, 1947 in Northern Ireland] to the dawn of the Thatcher age. The opening scene is set in post-war Britain, when the local education authorities metaphorically swam ashore as triumphal legions promising peace and plenty. The nature of the 1944 constitutional settlement will be considered. In essence, the picture painted will be one of hope and general consensus about the ability of education to create a better world.
The 1944 settlement neither sought rigid conformity nor a command system wherein authority filtered down from the minister. What was put in place was a system of dispersed responsibility with the classroom teacher expected to enjoy high autonomy within the classroom. The head teacher above all to be a teacher, expected to lead by example; and governing and managing bodies called upon to exercise a watchful eye, give general guidance and encourage support. The education committee, made up of all members of the local council but, significantly, complemented by representatives of the churches and the teaching professions, was foremost the body to embrace all parties in the interests of education. It was there to give local accountability, encourage an equitable allocation of public resources, give general superintendence, and provide common services. It was not intended to be the direct manager of all that went on in the education service. Essentially, it was a pluralist arrangement with the churches occupying a crucial position. In England, the Church of England was a major provider having often been, at an earlier stage, the only provider. Its stake in Wales was proportionately smaller. The Roman Catholic Church also had a significant presence in all four countries. Other churches, too, were represented in the overall provision.
It is important to reflect upon what was then recognized as the purpose of education. It was palpably intended to go beyond the imparting of utilitarian skills: it was to mould character, impart values, and be a social instrument. In short, it was an agent of civilization. When Butler briefed the War Cabinet on the contents of the legislation the Nazis had yet to be defeated and he alluded to this wider role. 1 The carefully negotiated arrangements about the churches’ stake in provision had their genesis in the recognition of education’s decisive part in communicating values and nurturing society. There were differences of view as to how far the churches, institutions, and individuals were at liberty to fix the parameters of provision, but there would have been few then who would have sought to limit them to the inculcation of skills. Whilst there was an overt determination to remove ignorance, to impart a body of knowledge, there was also a general recognition that there was value in learning for its own sake in the pursuit of human happiness. In this moment of hope and promise, in the wake of pre-war and wartime grief, progressive education with its emphasis upon a child-centric individual fulfilment flourished.
They Never Had It So Good
As austerity gave way to a measure of prosperity, from the late 1950s, supply problems eased and the pace of school and college building accelerated. Much was left to individual officers, delegation was taken for granted, agonizing and consultation by the standards of a later age, were relatively limited. Increasing national prosperity however, meant that staffing remained a serious problem. Whilst limited opportunities in the interwar period had been a boon to the teaching profession, the wider opportunities now available meant that it was harder for local education authorities to recruit and retain gifted staff. The brave secondary modern school and technical school , intended to enjoy parity of esteem with the grammar school , were often casualties as they struggled to cope with large classes and many pupils yet to be inspired by a relevant curriculum that remained elusive.
Notwithstanding, for the most part, councillors, serving on education committees and on managing and governing bodies, were caught up in a commitment to education foremost, rather than to party politics. Indeed the scale and the significance of the education service often made it the preferred route to office rather than other local government functions. The focus however, remained on the supply of resources: recruiting staff and commissioning property. In all this, there was a general willingness for education committees and institutional governing bodies to be guided by professional staff.
Union militancy was a key factor since with overall shortages of staff it was possible for staff to negotiate from a position of relative strength as education officers and heads of institutions sought to fill posts. It cannot be doubted that there were many appointments made, and subsequent indifferent performances ignored that would not have been countenanced in earlier or later years when recruitment was easier. For the moment however, the earlier substantial respect for institutions, and the local education authority was one such, having been raised to heroic status by the 1944 Act, still held. However, tensions were already present and indeed education, along with the destabilizing effect of war, the impact of increasing mobility and the cultural effect of mass entertainment, were challenging old certainties of both virtue and humbug.
Much of substance, nevertheless, was accomplished, apart from acquiring sites and planning new buildings on a vast scale, including those for further and advanced education . Inspection and advisory services now flourished, their modus vivendi replicating best practice in current modern management, of encouraging and supporting, rather than inquisitional visitation. Classroom supplies multiplied and specialist provision, in the form, for example, of music and outdoor pursuit centres , now developed. Supporting students in advanced education significantly increased. Locally, the education service was left to get on with its affairs. Other local government departments in any case, had their own pressing priorities.
However, the 1960s were to prove a watershed. What were in effect to be a series of revolutions, spurred by war and much else, had been gestating somewhat in the period of austerity and its aftermath. A return of a Labour government in 1964, part cause and part effect, was now to take place, providing the first revolution, profoundly affecting what had been when viewed retrospectively, a period of stability for the local education authority.
It All Starts Falling Apart: The First Revolution
The 1960s and 1970s were in effect the period of the first revolution. In the beginning, in spite of an exponential expansion that was taking place, local government structures and the local education authority were recognizably the same as had existed for much of the century, albeit, as noted, the local education authority’s position had been powerfully buttressed by the 1944 Act. Local party politics in the pursuit of distinctive education policies were relatively muted: professional responsibility generally prevailed. Corporate management was largely non-existent though financial and architectural services were decisive contributors to the education service. By the end of the period, all had been fundamentally disturbed.
An initial catalyst had been the Labour government’s plan to establish comprehensive secondary schools. The instrument in England and Wales was statutory guidance in the form of circular 10/65 . Parallel processes occurred in Scotland. The rationale for change was accepted by many and was, by no means then, a matter of party political commitment. Many in the local education authority world, whilst they had often sought to promote the secondary modern and technical school to the end that they could genuinely enjoy parity of esteem with the grammar school , knew well ...