Yemen

Revolution, Civil War and Unification

Uzi Rabi

• Editore: I.B. Tauris
• Anno: 2014
• ISBN:
  9780857737717
• Edizione: 1
• Argomento: Politics & International Relations
• Categoria: Terrorism

Yemen, tucked into the southwestern corner of the Arabian Peninsula, has often escaped regional and international attention. And yet its history illuminates some of the most important issues at play in the modern Middle East: from Cold War rivalries to the growth of Islamic extremism in the 1990s, and from the rise of 'Al-Qa'ida in the Arabian Peninsula' (AQAP) in the post-9/11 period to Obama-era drone strikes. Uzi Rabi looks at this country and its economic and political history through the prism of state failure. He examines Yemen's trajectory from revolutions and civil war in the 1960s to unification in the 1990s and on to the 2011 uprisings which eventually saw the fall from power of Ali Abdallah Salih in 2012. Covering the twentieth-century history of Yemen from traditional society to a melting-pot of revolutions accompanied by foreign intervention, Uzi Rabi's book offers an analysis of a state that is failing, both in terms of day-to-day functioning, and in terms of offering its citizens a modicum of security. Rabi covers the initial rulers of the country, Imam Yahya and his descendents, who ruled Yemen until 1962.
But with the growing influence of Gamal Abd al-Nasser's vision of Arab nationalism, and the defeat the British and their allies in November 1967, the way was paved for the formation of South Yemen: the only declared Marxist regime in the Arab world. Rabi tracks the turbulent political history of the two Yemens, in particular South Yemen, which between 1967 and 1986 saw five presidents come and go, three of whom were ousted by violent means. But with unification came a new set of problems concerning poverty, terrorism and corruption. Rabi's analysis of the political beginnings, rule and eventual downfall of Salih are key to understanding all of these, and how they have contributed to Yemen's current explosive condition. Drawing extensively on Arabic sources, many of which are not available in the English language, Rabi offers important analysis on the volatility of the state in Yemen. Based on freshly examined materials, this book is a vital reference of any examination of the country's twentieth-century history and its impact on the current unstable situation in the wider Middle East.

CHAPTER 1

ECOLOGICAL, CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL STRUCTURES

Topography, Geography and Socio-Demographic Features

The borders of most Middle Eastern states were drawn by the colonial powers, Britain and France, after the First World War, in the framework of the Mandate system. From this perspective, Yemen is unique. Since the dawn of Islam, Yemen has been a distinct geographical entity.¹ Yemen’s geographical and topographical diversity influenced the development of the country’s settlement patterns, social structures and forms of government. Therefore, it is imperative to understand Yemen’s natural, ecological and topographical features.

Pre-Islamic Arabic literature uses the term “Yaman” to refer to the territory that extends across the coast of the Indian Ocean and the Red Sea and through the heartland of the Arabian Peninsula.² This pre-Islamic definition of Yemen’s territory is not identical to the territory of the modern state of Yemen.³ Today’s Yemen is located south-west of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, and the coastline forms its western and southern borders. In the west, Yemen stretches along the Strait of Bab al-Mandab and the Red Sea shores to the Saudi Arabian border in the north. In the south, Yemen stretches along the Gulf of Aden and the Arabian Sea to the border with the Sultanate of Oman in the east. Desert lies to the north and east of Yemen.

There are three ecological regions in Yemen: the coastal plains, the mountains and the desert. The coastal plains contain the fertile lands and are located near the mountains of Ta‘izz, Ibb and Jibla. The Tihama plain – a hot and humid region – is situated alongside an expansive mountainous area and along the coast of the Red Sea. A less fertile, mountainous region is in the north of the country, between Sanaa and the more northern city of Sa‘da. The region of Hadramawt, located in the east of the country, contains both coastal plains and arid desert with deep wadis.⁴

There are some clear differences between Upper and Lower Yemen. Upper Yemen refers to the northern highlands that stretch from the Saudi border in the north to Damar in the south, and from Hajja in the west to Shabwa in the east. Lower Yemen refers mainly to the cities of Ta‘izz, Ibb and Hudayda.⁵ The mountainous area has long served as a natural defensive barrier for the tribes that dwell therein. Two main tribal confederations in the mountains are the Hashid and the Bakil. Owing to the natural defensive barrier, these two tribal confederations were never completely subjugated to the direct control of external invaders, even though their territory has been under Ottoman occupation. There was no supra-tribal authority or accepted central rule in the mountainous region, and it was inconceivable for any ruler to control Sanaa in particular and Yemen in general without the support of the heads of these two tribal confederations.⁶

In contrast to the people in the mountainous regions, the people in the plains were more easily exposed to external influence and invasions. The people of the plains were unable to develop a strong army, and in most cases they were dependent on protection from tribes in the mountains. The people who dwelled on the Tihama coastal plain were particularly exposed to foreign influences. They engaged primarily in trade and had a cosmopolitan outlook.⁷

City-states were established in south Arabia before the rise of Islam. The temperate climate and precipitation allowed cities to flourish in the mountainous areas. The largest and most ancient city in Yemen is Sanaa, located in a fertile valley about a mile and a half above sea level. It is in fact one of the oldest continuously inhabited cities in the world. Sanaa was a hub for the production of local handicrafts and was especially known for its metalwork such as swords, daggers and knives. During different historical periods of governance, Yemen’s rulers have alternately transferred their seat of rule from Sanaa to Jibla and Ta‘izz. In 1948, Imam Ahmad reinstated Sanaa as Yemen’s capital, and it has been the political and economic centre of Yemen ever since.

Yemen’s eastern mountain range was less populated than the northern mountain range: this meant that the tribes in the eastern range were unable to forge a large tribal confederation. In the eastern mountain range, Sanaa’s political authority was nominal and unable to completely subdue the tribes. Also, given that Yemen is surrounded by desert in the north and east, Yemen did not have strong political relations with its neighbours (see here).

Map of Yemen
Source: CIA, 2010

Religious Characteristics

In the first centuries since the appearance of Islam, two leading religious communities developed in Yemen: Zaydiyya and Shafi‘iyya. The Zaydi/Shafi‘i division is of crucial importance in Yemen’s history. The Zaydi community is based in the mountainous regions whereas the Shafi‘i community is based in the southern part of the country and the Tihama plain. In practice, the dividing line between the “Zaydi north” and the “Shafi‘i south” was the Samara Pass, just south of the city of Yarim.⁸ Thus, the cities of Dhammar, Saana and Sa‘da are predominantly Zaydi, while Ibb, Ta‘izz and Hudayda are predominantly Shafi‘i.⁹

In 628, Yemen became part of the Islamic Empire, and the vast majority of its people accepted Islam. Two centuries later, in 897, a local Zaydi dynasty wrested control of Yemen from the Islamic Empire. This would usher in a unique politico-religious tradition in Yemen. From the beginning of the tenth century, tribes from the northern mountains adopted the Zaydiyya – an offshoot of Shi‘i Islam, which holds that the Shi‘i imam did not disappear.¹⁰ Zaydi Islam is named after its founder, ‘Ali ibn al-Husayn, known as Zayn al-‘Abidin, the grandson of Imam Husayn (and the great-grandson of the fourth caliph, ‘Ali).¹¹

The Zaydiyya upholds the principle that only a direct descendant of the Prophet (ahl al-Bayt) can be an imam and lead the Islamic community. However, in contrast to the mainstream Shi‘a (the Twelvers), the Zaydi community developed more moderate views, recognized the legitimacy of the first three caliphs that proceeded ‘Ali and rejected the messianic view of the “Hidden Imam”. Because of its moderation, Sunnis refer to the Zaydis as the “fifth school of Islam”.¹² The Zaydiyya took root in the north of the country, where it did not encounter a competing religious or political alternative. The imams, the heads of the Zaydiyya, enjoyed the status of legitimate mediators and arbitrators amongst tribes from the north. This legitimacy enabled the Zaydi leaders to solidify their political hegemony and disseminate their faith.¹³

Unlike other Shi‘i offshoots, the Zaydis maintained a politico-religious structure, the Zaydi Imamate. Rule over the Imamate was inherited by members of the sadah (singular: sayyid) or ashraf (singular: sharif) families. These are families who are believed to be descendants of Zayd (the Zaydiyya’s founder) and the Prophet Muhammad.¹⁴ These families believed that the imam was the political and religious leader of the community of believers (Amir al-Mu’minin) which allowed the Zaydiyya to become the dominant sect in Yemen. The founder of the first Zaydi Imamate was Yahya Ibn Husayn, whose Imamate lasted over a millennium, from the year 897 until 1962. According to the Zaydi doctrine, Imam Yahya functioned simultaneously as both the political and religious leader of the community of believers and Zaydi believers referred to him as the “guide towards the truth” (al-hadi ila al-haqq).¹⁵

Imam Yahya forged a Zaydi political system in line with Zaydi doctrine. For centuries to come, the person of Yahya served as the primary example of the qualities that an imam should possess. Yahya also established the obligation for Zaydis to obey the imam:

... because they were born from the seed of the Prophet, because they have knowledge of God, because of their piety, because of their knowledge of what God permitted and forbade and of the needs to fulfill religious rites, because they know what their rights and obligations are, they do not covet material objects, they back down from temptations in life, because they are ready to fight the enemies of God ... and perform the commandment of the holy scriptures and tradition and establish law and order ... and finally due to the courage of their hearts in battle, and due to their uncompromising perseverance in the times of distress and their abundant generosity.¹⁶

The Sunni-Shafi‘i population dwelled in the urban centres and along the coastline. Whereas the mountain-dwelling Zaydi population was relatively isolated from foreign influence, the Shafi‘i population was more exposed. Common wisdom holds that this division between the Sunni Shafi‘is and Shi‘i Zaydis is what caused discord between the two communities; however, there are several major factors aside from simple geographical differences. Religiously, the Zaydiyya was perhaps the most moderate of all Shi‘i offshoots; it was doctrinally close to the Sunni Islamic schools, and did not accept the mystical and messianic dimensions of Shi‘i Islam. However, the cultural differences between the Zaydis and Shafi‘is could be seen in the styles of dress, architecture and community life.¹⁷ The Zaydis and the Shafi‘is therefore constituted two distinct subcultures in Yemen. However, the discord between the two communities did not stem from these religious and cultural differences but was political in nature.

Throughout most of Yemen’s history, the Zaydis have ruled over the Shafi‘is. The superiority of the Zaydis was recognizable in every realm, and they naturally saw themselves as patrons of the country.¹⁸ This self-perception was fundamentally in line with Zaydi political philosophy, which perceived the rule of a Zaydi imam over Zaydis and non-Zaydis alike as an inevitable reality. The Zaydi Imamate designated notables from the Zaydi community to high positions such as advisors, judges and administrators; furthermore, the Zaydi tribes in the north granted their support to the imam and joined his army. Therefore, the core of the imam’s control was in regions inhabited by Zaydi tribes.

The Shafi‘is recognized the imam’s rule but did not accept his religious authority. They looked to Shafi‘i scholars for guidance in religious matters and their children were educated in Sunni madrasas. Shafi‘is were not appointed to key positions in the central administration or the army. Having been marginalized, many of them – students, workers and merchants (especially in Ta‘izz and Hudayda) – chose to move to Aden or even to leave the country.¹⁹ As a result, they were exposed to modern ideas, such as Arab nationalism and socialism, to a greater degree than the Zaydis who lived in relative isolation.

Tribal Structures

The centrality of the tribe as a socio-political unit and basis for individual and collective identity in Yemen is unmistakable. The exact number of tribes in Yemen is unknown; Heyworth-Dunne estimates it at around 74.²⁰ ‘Abdallah al-Wasi‘i and ‘Adil Nur al-Din put that number even higher, close to 100.²¹ Tribal leaders (shaykhs) enjoyed religious legitimacy and as the shaykh himself was loyal to the imam, his tribesmen, in being obligated to be loyal to the shaykh, were loyal to the imam as well. In contrast to most tribes in the Arabian Peninsula, which were nomadic, Yemeni tribes are mostly sedentary. Tribesmen in Yemen lived in stone houses and engaged in agriculture, selling goods in order to supply their needs.²² The number of nomads and shepherds among them was relatively small.

Anthropological studies show that while the tribes of Yemen share a similar political culture, especially those of the northern highlands (“Upper Yemen”), they also vary in size and organization.²³ Using broad generalizations such as “the tribes of Yemen” would ignore the diversity of tribes in Yemen and fail to address the environmental and historical factors of the tribal setting. There are, however, different approaches. Dresch, for example, downplays the significance of ecology in understanding Yemeni tribes, the structures of which he portrays as sets of cognitive categories on a linguistic model.²⁴

Because of the centrality of tribes, tribal politics have always been central to the political and social institutions in Yemen. Usually, villages in Yemen were the exclusive territory of one tribe (a tribal dar).²⁵ Sometimes tribes became rulers of larger administrative units. Larger tribes generally subjugated smaller tribes and sometimes even a whole city district.

Yemeni tribes have historically united in large confederations. Throughout history the balance of power across Yemen between tribal confederations has shifted. Several tribal confederations broke up in the beginning of the twentieth century but the large Zaydi confederations, the Bakil and the Hashid, maintained their prominence. The original tribes in the Hashid confederation are called hashid while those who joined later are called mutahashid. Likewise, the bakil are the original tribes in the Bakil confederation and the mutabakkil are the newcomers. The imams drew governors, administrators and militiamen from the Hashid and Bakil confederations. But not all tribes of Yemen were part of a confederacy. The tribes of Khawlan, for example, formed a concentration of independent power and zealously protected their autonomy. In contrast to those in the north, tribes in the south are smaller and less cohesive and were never dominated by one tribal confederation after the manner of the Hashid and Bakil (see figure below).²⁶

The Zaydi tribal confederations established tribal states that sprawled across a broad territory. However, these “states” were not characterized by the existence of a central rule that held the monopoly on the use of force. In most cases, these states had limited resources and a simple system of administration based on personal relations. These states were mainly concerned with the application of religious law and tax collecting; and thus, their control was nominal. Tribes enjoyed a discernible degree of autonomy in their own internal affairs and maintained armed tribal militias. Therefore the tribal map was in a constant state of flux.²⁷

Distribution of Ethnoreligious Groups and Key Tribal Areas
Source: CIA, 2002

External Powers

Owing to its strategic location, Yemen was exposed to the designs of foreign forces and world powers. In Yemen’s modern history, the intervention of two imperial powers – the Ottoman Empire and the British Empire – particu...

Indice dei contenuti

• Cover
• About the Author
• Title Page
• Copyright Page
• Contents
• List of Maps
• Acknowledgements
• Abbreviations
• A Note on Transliteration
• Preface
• 1. Ecological, Cultural and Historical Structures
• 2. The Age of Revolutions: 1962–1978
• 3. The Decline of the Socialist and Arab Nationalist Revolutions: 1978–1990
• 4. United Yemen
• 5. Heading Toward a “Failed State”
• 6. The Arab Spring: New Challenges Exacerbate the Old
• Conclusion
• Notes
• Bibliography