1 Norman identity and the identity of Normandy, c.900âc.13001
Daniel Power
1 I am grateful to Simon John and Charles Rozier for their comments upon a draft of this article, and to the British Academy and the Leverhulme Trust for supporting parts of the research upon which it is based.
The Normans are one of the most studied peoples of the Middle Ages, and their identity has been the subject of very extensive research.2 The present chapter seeks to build upon that research by reviewing Norman identity in Normandy itself. This brief and avowedly selective survey is intended to provide context for studies of Normanitas and the activities of the Normans far from their homeland that formed the main concern of the Norman Edge project. It therefore will not reappraise the conclusions of the many excellent previous studies of Norman activity across Europe and the Mediterranean, but instead will concentrate upon the duchy of Normandy. After a preliminary consideration of medieval identities and the sources for them, the chapter will consider the changing meaning of âNormanâ between the tenth and thirteenth centuries, before offering an overview of possible distinguishing features of Norman identity.
2 The most significant, influential or best-known works include F. Lot, Fidèles ou vassaux? (Paris, 1904); H. Prentout, Essai sur les origines et la fondation du duchĂŠ de Normandie (Caen, 1911); C.H. Haskins, Norman Institutions (Cambridge, MA, 1918); J.-F. Lemarignier, Recherches sur lâhommage en marche et les frontières fĂŠodales (Lille, 1945); D.C. Douglas, The Norman Achievement, 1050â1100 (London, 1969); M. de BoĂźard, Histoire de la Normandie (Toulouse, 1970); J. Le Patourel, The Norman Empire (Oxford, 1976); R.H.C. Davis, The Normans and their Myth (London, 1976); R.A. Brown, The Normans and the Norman Conquest (2nd edn, Woodbridge, 1985); D. Bates, Normandy before 1066 (London, 1982); E. Searle, Predatory Kinship and the Creation of Norman Power, 840â1066 (Berkeley, CA, 1988); L. Musset, Nordica et Normannica (Paris, 1997); C. Potts, Monastic Revival and Regional Identity in Early Normandy (Woodbridge, 1997); L. Shopkow, History and Community: Norman Historical Writing in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries (Washington, DC, 1997); F. Neveux, La Normandie des ducs aux rois, XIeâXIIe siècle (Rennes, 1998); M. Chibnall, The Normans (Oxford, 2000); E. Albu, The Normans in their Histories: Propaganda, Myth and Subversion (Woodbridge, 2001); D. Crouch, The Normans: History of a Dynasty (London, 2002); P. Bauduin, La première Normandie (XeâXIe siècle). Sur les frontières de la haute Normandie: identitĂŠ et construction dâune principautĂŠ (Caen, 2004); N. Webber, The Evolution of Norman Identity, 911â1154 (Woodbridge, 2008); S. Burkhardt and T. Foerster (eds.), Norman Tradition and Transcultural Heritage: Exchange of Cultures in the âNormanâ Peripheries of Medieval Europe (Farnham, 2013); Stringer and Jotischky (eds.), Norman Expansion; D. Bates, The Normans and Empire (Oxford, 2013); M. BillorĂŠ, De grĂŠ ou de force: lâaristocratie normande et ses ducs (1150â1259) (Rennes, 2014); D. Bates and P. Bauduin (eds.), 911â2011: penser les mondes normands mĂŠdiĂŠvaux (Caen, 2016); M. Hagger, Norman Rule in Normandy, 911â1144 (Woodbridge, 2017). For other works, see the following footnotes. I have not been able to consult T.H. Chadwick, âNormanitas Revisited: Reconsidering Norman Ethnicity, 996â1159â (University of Exeter PhD thesis, 2017).
Medieval identities and ethnogenesis
The history of Normandy and the Normans was for long written within the straitjacket of nineteenth-century nationalist views of territory, peoples and customs. Such views depicted a clearly defined solid bloc of territory called Normandy that was occupied from the outset by a self-conscious people called the Normans, who derived their identity from the Vikings, followed a defined body of law called the customs of Normandy and spoke a uniform dialect of the langue dâoĂŻl. Over the last half-century, that view of Norman identity has been fairly comprehensively demolished, although it lingers in popular works of history on both sides of the English Channel. Historians now have very different understandings of medieval narratives, documentary sources and ethnogenesis from those of their nineteenth-century predecessors. They also recognise that identities can be multiple, shifting according to context, and contested, and that identification as a member of a people must be set alongside other identities, whether social (especially, for the subject in hand, the status of knighthood and the dignity of being noble), religious, tenure of office or occupation, and so on.
Graham Loudâs 1981 article âThe gens Normannorum: myth or reality?â provides a convenient summary of the influences upon medieval authors when discussing identity, ranging from Old Testament descriptions of gentes and nationes to Sallust and Caesar and to Isidore of Sevilleâs Etymologies. Medieval authors usually depicted the members of a gens as sharing a common ancestry, even though the same writers recorded the careers and assimilation of individual immigrants.3 Just as important was a common origo legend. Dudo of Saint-Quentin and the Gesta Normannorum Ducum elevated the Normans to the respectability of a recognised gens by providing them with a legend concerning their origins. Dudo skilfully circumvented the problem of the Normansâ heterogeneity, as a mixture of Danes, Norwegians and Hiberno-Norse, Franks, Bretons and others, with the famous story of Rolloâs dream, in which the founder of Normandy saw a variety of birds becoming one flock through the waters of Christian baptism.4 Yet Sigbjørn Sønnesyn has noted that such an idea of a peopleâs past was by no means unique: other peoples from the ancient Romans onwards developed legends that recognised and even celebrated their diverse origins, and the transformation of diverse individuals into a new people lay at the heart of the Christian story itself.5
3 G.A. Loud, âThe gens Normannorum: myth or reality?â, reprinted in his Conquerors and Churchmen in Norman Italy (Aldershot, 1999), chapter 1; cf. S. Reynolds, âMedieval origines gentium and the community of the realmâ, reprinted in her Ideas and Solidarities of the Medieval Laity: England and Western Europe (Aldershot, 1995), chapter 2.
4 Dudo (Lair), pp. 146â7 = Dudo (Christiansen), pp. 29â30. See C. Potts, âAtque unum ex diversis gentibus populum effecit: historical tradition and the Norman identityâ, ANS, 18 (1996), pp. 139â52; and, for a recent reappraisal of Rolloâs baptism in Dudoâs work, B. Pohl, Dudo of Saint-Quentinâs Historia ÂNormannorum: Tradition, Innovation and Memory (York, 2015), pp. 203â15 (cf. pp. 225â31, for its reuse by later Norman historians). Rolloâs dream is similar to a vision attributed by Albert of Aachen to one of his fellow canons of Aachen concerning Godfrey de Bouillon, in which the birds represented the âpilgrimsâ who flocked to Jerusalem on the First Crusade: AA, pp. 448â50 (brought to my attention by Simon John).
5 S.O. Sønnesyn, âThe rise of the Normans as ethnopoiesisâ, in Burkhardt and Foerster (eds.), Norman Tradition, pp. 203â18.
Furthermore, over the last forty years extensive research into the process of ethnogenesis in the centuries leading up to the rise of the Normans, from the late Roman Empire onwards, has dispelled traditional views of early medieval peoples as âtribesâ or as distinct biological groups, bred in a pure âGermanicâ world, which formed the âbarbarianâ kingdoms from which the European system of nation-states evolved. The war-bands of the late Roman and post-Roman world were often very fluid entities, formed around successful warleaders, and both their own understanding of their identity and external descriptions were heavily influenced by Roman and Judeo-Christian concepts of gentes and nationes.6 The frontiers of the Roman Empire and the post-Roman polities have also been revealed as broad cultural zones, not clear-cut borders defined in territory and by ethnicity.7 This appreciation of the nature of early medieval identities gives greater importance to the attempts by authors to define groups and distinguish between them. While the main weight of this work has concerned the transition from the ancient to the medieval world, it has great significance for the later emergence of other groups, including the Normans and some of the peoples whom they encountered in their expansions during the central Middle Ages.8 The place of the Normans within changing Frankish or French identities, both within northern France and elsewhere, appears particularly problematic.
6 See, for example, W. Goffart, Barbarians and Romans, 418â584: The Techniques of Accommodation (Princeton, NJ, 1980); P. Amory, People and Identity in Ostrogothic Italy, 489â554 (Cambridge, 1997); P. Geary, The Myth of Nations: The Medieval Origins of Europe (Princeton, NJ, 2002).
7 For example, D.H. Miller, âFrontier societies and the transition between Late Antiquity and the early Middle Agesâ, in R.W. Mathisen and H.S. Sivan (eds.), Shifting Frontiers in Late Antiquity (Aldershot, 1996), pp. 158â71.
8 Sønnesyn, âRise of the Normansâ, pp. 204â7, provides an extensive bibliography for early medieval debates, and notes its relevance for discussion of the Normans.
The problems of the sources for Norman identity
The problems of using medieval sources for understanding identities are familiar and are significant for the question of Normanitas across Europe. Firstly, do different types of sources produce different types of insights, thereby precluding comparison between them? For instance, can the conscious references to â and commentaries upon â Norman identity or characteristics in the narrative ...