Holiday in the Sun: Mister Rotten Makes the Grade
THE British summer of 1976 was extraordinarily hot and dry: there were no recorded precedents. From May through to August, London parched and sweltered under luminous skies and the inevitable fog of exhaust fumes. Initially hailed as a Godsend, and a national âtonicâ in the press and television (was Britainâs âcurseâ finally broken?) the sun provided seasonal relief from the dreary cycle of doom-laden headlines which had dominated the front pages of the tabloids throughout the winter. Nature performed its statutory ideological function and âstood inâ for all the other âbad newsâ, provided tangible proof of âimprovementâ and pushed aside the strikes and the dissension. With predictable regularity, âbright young thingsâ were shown flouncing along Oxford Street in harem bags and beach shorts, bikini tops and polaroids in that last uplifting item for the News at Ten. The sun served as a âcheekyâ postscript to the crisis: a lighthearted addendum filled with tropical promise. The crisis, too, could have its holiday. But as the weeks and months passed and the heatwave continued, the old mythology of doom and disaster was reasserted with a vengeance. The âmiracleâ rapidly became a commonplace, an everyday affair, until one morning in mid-July it was suddenly re-christened a âfreak disorderâ: a dreadful, last, unlooked-for factor in Britainâs decline.
The heatwave was officially declared a drought in August, water was rationed, crops were failing, and Hyde Parkâs grass burned into a delicate shade of raw sienna. The end was at hand and Last Days imagery began to figure once more in the press. Economic categories, cultural and natural phenomena were confounded with more than customary abandon until the drought took on an almost metaphysical significance. A Minister for Drought was appointed, Nature had now been officially declared âunnaturalâ, and all the age-old inferences were drawn with an obligatory modicum of irony to keep within the bounds of common sense. In late August, two events of completely different mythical stature coincided to confirm the worst forebodings: it was demonstrated that the excessive heat was threatening the very structure of the nationâs houses (cracking the foundations) and the Notting Hill Carnival, traditionally a paradigm of racial harmony, exploded into violence. The Caribbean festival, with all its Cookâs Tours connotations of happy, dancing coloured folk, of jaunty bright calypsos and exotic costumes, was suddenly, unaccountably, transformed into a menacing congregation of angry black youths and embattled police. Hordes of young black Britons did the Soweto dash across the nationâs television screens and conjured up fearful images of other Negroes, other confrontations, other âlong, hot summersâ. The humble dustbin lid, the staple of every steel band, the symbol of the âcarnival spiritâ, of Negro ingenuity and the resilience of ghetto culture, took on an altogether more ominous significance when used by white-faced policemen as a desperate shield against an angry rain of bricks.
It was during this strange apocalyptic summer that punk made its sensational debut in the music press.1 In London, especially in the south west and more specifically in the vicinity of the Kingâs Road, a new style was being generated combining elements drawn from a whole range of heterogeneous youth styles. In fact punk claimed a dubious parentage. Strands from David Bowie and glitter-rock were woven together with elements from American proto-punk (the Ramones, the Heartbreakers, Iggy Pop, Richard Hell), from that faction within London pub-rock (the 101-ers, the Gorillas, etc.) inspired by the mod subculture of the 60s, from the Canvey Island 40s revival and the Southend r & b bands (Dr Feelgood, Lew Lewis, etc.), from northern soul and from reggae.
Not surprisingly, the resulting mix was somewhat unstable: all these elements constantly threatened to separate and return to their original sources. Glam rock contributed narcissism, nihilism and gender confusion. American punk offered a minimalist aesthetic (e.g. the Ramonesâ âPinheadâ or Crimeâs âI Stupidâ), the cult of the Street and a penchant for self-laceration. Northern Soul (a genuinely secret subculture of working-class youngsters dedicated to acrobatic dancing and fast American soul of the 60s, which centres on clubs like the Wigan Casino) brought its subterranean tradition of fast, jerky rhythms, solo dance styles and amphetamines; reggae its exotic and dangerous aura of forbidden identity, its conscience, its dread and its cool. Native rhythm ân blues reinforced the brashness and the speed of Northern Soul, took rock back to the basics and contributed a highly developed iconoclasm, a thoroughly British persona and an extremely selective appropriation of the rock ân roll heritage.
This unlikely alliance of diverse and superficially incompatible musical traditions, mysteriously accomplished under punk, found ratification in an equally eclectic clothing style which reproduced the same kind of cacophony on the visual level. The whole ensemble, literally safety-pinned together, became the celebrated and highly photogenic phenomenon known as punk which throughout 1977 provided the tabloids with a fund of predictably sensational copy and the quality press with a welcome catalogue of beautifully broken codes. Punk reproduced the entire sartorial history of post-war working-class youth cultures in âcut upâ form, combining elements which had originally belonged to completely different epochs. There was a chaos of quiffs and leather jackets, brothel creepers and winkle pickers, plimsolls and paka macs, moddy crops and skinhead strides, drainpipes and vivid socks, bum freezers and bovver boots â all kept âin placeâ and âout of timeâ by the spectacular adhesives: the safety pins and plastic clothes pegs, the bondage straps and bits of string which attracted so much horrified and fascinated attention. Punk is therefore a singularly appropriate point of departure for a study of this kind because punk style contained distorted reflections of all the major post-war subcultures. But before we can interpret the significance of these subcultures, we must first unscramble the sequence in which they occurred.
Boredom in Babylon
Ordinary life is so dull that I get out of it as much as possible. (Steve Jones, a Sex Pistol, quoted in Melody Maker)
It seems entirely appropriate that punkâs âunnaturalâ synthesis should have hit the London streets during that bizarre summer. Apocalypse was in the air and the rhetoric of punk was drenched in apocalypse: in the stock imagery of crisis and sudden change. Indeed, even punkâs epiphanies were hybrid affairs, representing the awkward and unsteady confluence of the two radically dissimilar languages of reggae and rock. As the shock-haired punks began to gather in a shop called Sex on a corner of the Kingâs Road, aptly named the Worlds End, David Bowieâs day of the Diamond Dogs (R.C.A. Victor, 1974) and the triumph of the âsuper-alienated humanoidâ was somehow made to coincide with reggaeâs Day of Judgement, with the overthrow of Babylon and the end of alienation altogether.
It is here that we encounter the first of punkâs endemic contradictions, for the visions of apocalypse superficially fused in punk came from essentially antagonistic sources. David Bowie and the New York punk bands had pieced together from a variety of acknowledged âartisticâ sources â from the literary avant-garde and the underground cinema â a self-consciously profane and terminal aesthetic. Patti Smith, an American punk and ex-art student, claimed to have invented a new form, ârock poetryâ, and incorporated readings from Rimbaud and William Burroughs into her act. Bowie, too, cited Burroughs as an influence and used his famous cut-up technique of random juxtapositions to âcomposeâ lyrics. Richard Hell drew on the writings of LautrĂ©amont and Huysmans. British punk bands, generally younger and more self-consciously proletarian, remained largely innocent of literature. However, for better or worse, the literary sources turned out to be firmly although implicitly inscribed in the aesthetics of British punk too. Similarly, there were connections (via Warhol and Wayne County in America, via the art school bands like the Who and the Clash in Britain) with underground cinema and avant-garde art.
By the early 70s, these tendencies had begun to cohere into a fully fledged nihilist aesthetic and the emergence of this aesthetic together with its characteristic focal concerns (polymorphous, often wilfully perverse sexuality, obsessive individualism, fragmented sense of self, etc.) generated a good deal of controversy amongst those interested in rock culture (see Melly, 1972; Taylor and Wall, 1976). From Jagger in Performance (Warner Bros, 1969) to Bowie as the âthin white dukeâ, the spectre of the dandy âdrowning in his own operaâ (Sartre, 1968) has haunted rock from the wings as it were, and in the words of Ian Taylor and Dave Wall âplays back the alienation of youth onto itself (1976). Punk represents the most recent phase in this process. In punk, alienation assumed an almost tangible quality. It could almost be grasped. It gave itself up to the cameras in âblanknessâ, the removal of expression (see any photograph of any punk group), the refusal to speak and be positioned. This trajectory â the solipsism, the neurosis, the cosmetic rage â had its origins in rock.
But at almost every turn the dictates of this profane aesthetic were countermanded by the righteous imperatives of another musical form: reggae. Reggae occupies the other end of that wide spectrum of influences which bore upon punk. As early as May 1977 Jordan, the famous punk shop assistant of Sex and Seditionaries was expressing a preference for reggae over ânew waveâ on the pages of the New Musical Express (7 May 1977). âItâs the only music we [i.e. Jordan and J. Rotten] dance toâ. Although Rotten himself insisted on the relative autonomy of punk and reggae, he displayed a detailed knowledge of the more esoteric reggae numbers in a series of interviews throughout 1977. Most conspicuously amongst punk groups, the Clash were heavily influenced not only by the music, but also by the visual iconography of black Jamaican street style. Khaki battle dress stencilled with the Caribbean legends DUB and HEAVY MANNERS, narrow âsta-prestâ trousers, black brogues and slip ons, even the pork pie hat, were all adopted at different times by various members of the group. In addition, the group played âWhite Riotâ, a song inspired directly by the â76 Carnival, against a screen-printed backdrop of the Notting Hill disturbances, and they toured with a reggae discotheque presided over by Don Letts, the black Rastafarian d-j who shot the documentary film Punk while working at the Roxy Club in Covent Garden.
As we shall see, although apparently separate and autonomous, punk and the black British subcultures with which reggae is associated were connected at a deep structural level. But the dialogue between the two forms cannot properly be decoded until the internal composition and significance of both reggae and the British working-class youth cultures which preceded punk are fully understood. This involves two major tasks. First reggae must be traced back to its roots in the West Indies, and second the history of post-war British youth culture must be reinterpreted as a succession of differential responses to the black immigrant presence in Britain from the 1950s onwards. Such a reassessment demands a shift of emphasis away from the normal areas of interest â the school, police, media and parent culture (which have anyway been fairly exhaustively treated by other writers, see, e.g. Hall et al., 1976) â to what I feel to be the largely neglected dimension of race and race relations.