On Paradigm Shifts
In the 1960s, scholars of history and anthropology created the field of âethnohistory,â or Native American history, in the context of a world newly cognizant of European colonistsâ historic abuse of native peoples. In 1969, Custer Died for Your Sins by Vine Deloria (Standing Rock Sioux) became a bestseller, and in 1970, Dee Brownâs historical work, Bury My Heart at Wounded Knee, took the broader reading public by storm. Five years later, Francis Jennings grabbed the attention of colonial historians with The Invasion of America: Indians, Colonialism, and the Cant of Conquest. The latter two books were studies of victims, and of the cold, calculating white settlers who destroyed whole peoples. They were also largely studies of men. As womenâs history came into its own in the ensuing decades, and people of color inserted themselves into the national dialogue (in the case of Native Americans, through the actions of such groups as AIM, the American Indian Movement), the study of ethnohistory before 1800 changed markedly. The field became increasingly dedicated to demonstrating not victimhood but survival. Power was understood to have been negotiated, not lost. By the end of the 1990s, Richard Whiteâs term, âthe middle ground,â became the watchword of the day. This was equally â perhaps even especially â true among historians of womenâs and gender history, who, as we shall see, saw native womenâs frequent role of mediator as central to the history of the colonial era. Indeed, historians were so eager to embrace notions of compromise rather than agony that during the first decade of the 2000s, Native American scholars would find it necessary to remind their academic colleagues of certain bottom lines, as evident in titles such as Conquest: Sexual Violence and Native American Genocide (2005) by Andrea Smith (Cherokee ancestry)1 and Violence Over the Land: Indians and Empires in the Early American West (2006) by Ned Blackhawk (Western Shoshone).
That intervention lay in the future, however. In the meantime, the majority of scholars who worked on gendered ethnohistory in the colonial era moved from embracing victims to embracing survivors. The earliest studies depended on the most readily available sources â that is, white settlersâ observations of and commentary on indigenous women. An early article by Rayna Green (Cherokee), âThe Pocohantas Perplexâ (1975), quickly became a classic and was reprinted multiple times. It demonstrates that the fear and loathing often associated with the image of the native woman who symbolized America was eventually replaced by affection for a sweet and genteel âprincessâ who was happy to help white men. This shift in the white male imagination occurred as the colonists attained more power over real indigenous people and thus experienced less fear in their dealings with them. Even then, however, as Green demonstrates, the image of the âsquawâ whore remained vibrant in songs and ditties. In the 1990s, Karen Kupperman, a key figure in colonial history more generally, took up the subject of white impressions of indigenous peoples, including women and gender relations, in such works as âPresentment of Civility: English Reading of American Selfâpresentation in the Early Years of Colonizationâ in the William and Mary Quarterly (1997). In her now classic 2000 book, Indians and English: Facing Off in Early America, she argues that the English envisioning of Indians should not be understood to have consisted merely of hostility, for Indians served an important role in their conception of America. Many others worked on more specific aspects of this issue: Karen Robertson, for instance, documented how English people responded to Pocahontasâ visit to London in âPocahontas at the Masque,â published in Signs. In short, the study of images of the Other in the white mind played itself out in this field as in others (Fischer 2002). Ultimately, of course, such studies highlighted Europeans, not Indians, but they nevertheless provided tantalizing fragments of indigenous perspectives that inspired further work.
At the same time, more mutualistic studies of indigenousâEuropean contact zones and frontiers entered their heyday. This was true in a general sense, not merely in studies of gender relations, as exemplified in the popularity of Richard Whiteâs famous 1991 volume, The Middle Ground: Indians, Empires and Republics in the Great Lakes Region. But it was perhaps even more true in studies of womenâs history. Through mutual kidnapping and captivity in wartime and interracial relationships and marriages in peacetime, women were very much at the heart of colonialâera interactions between natives and newcomers. Clara Sue Kidwell (White Earth Chippewa and Choctaw) put the case effectively in a famous 1992 article in Ethnohistory, âIndian Women as Cultural Mediators,â and Frances Karttunen shortly afterward published a highly accessible collection of life stories, Between Worlds: Interpreters, Guides and Survivors (1994). Fine studies of women at the crux of interethnic negotiations proliferated in the ensuing years (Miller 2002). Scholars who theorized the importance of women as negotiators of change included, among others, Kathleen Brown in her 1995 article, âThe AngloâAlgonquian Gender Frontier,â and Susan SleeperâSmith, the author of extensive work on indigenous womenâs relationships with French fur traders and those relationshipsâ political and economic ramifications. SleeperâSmithâs monograph, Indian Women and French Men: Rethinking Cultural Encounter in the Western Great Lakes (2002), incorporates her central arguments, which she builds on in her most recent book, Indigenous Prosperity and American Conquest: Indian Women of the Ohio River Valley, 1690â1792 (2018).
In the midâ1990s, scholars working on the interactions between natives and newcomers were still concerned that the majority of colonial scholars were not taking up their work. Indeed, some dominant figures in the field continued to study communities of white settlers, ignoring the native peoples they displaced or brutalized. In the William and Mary Quarterly, Daniel Richter wrote, âAlthough the subfield some call ethnohistory and others the New Indian History continues to flourish on its own terms, laments proliferate about its scant impact on larger areas of scholarshipâ (1993: 380). Gwen Miller, in the first Companion to American Womenâs History, worried that although historians of the West seemed eager to address cultural interactions, âscholars of New Englandâ still resisted âa multicultural paletteâ (2002: 44). In time, however, the change these two commentators sought certainly did occur. For example, in 2014, Susannah Shaw Romney set out to study women in Dutch America and found she needed to devote whole chapters to their ties with African and Native American women. Today, very few graduate students interested in the colonial era anywhere in the Americas plan studies based on a vision of racially homogeneous worlds, and even fewer who are interested in gender do so.
If there was a problem with the plethora of excellent work suddenly available around the year 2000, it was that it did not often focus on ind...