Social Changes in a Global World
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Social Changes in a Global World

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eBook - ePub

Social Changes in a Global World

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About This Book

Renowned author Ulrike Schuerkenspresents an in-depth exploration of social transformations and developments. Combining an international approach with up-to-date research, the book:

  • Has dedicated chapters on contemporary topics including technology, new media, war and terror, political culture and inequality
  • Includes an analysis of societal structures – inequality, globalization, transnationalism
  • Contains learning features including: discussion questions, annotated further reading, chapter summaries and pointers to online resources to assist with study

A must buy for studentstaking modules in social change, social inequality, socialtheory and globalization.

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Year
2017
ISBN
9781526414038
Edition
1

1 Social Transformations and DEvelopment(s) in a Globalized World

Summary

The chapter presents the current theoretical state of research on the subject of transformations and development. In addition to a brief historical overview, the central theoretical approaches are presented such as modernization theory, dependency theories, structural-functionalist theories, multiple modernities, and the theory of entangled modernities. As such, the chapter prepares the reader to understand the following chapters which deal with empirical transformation fields.

Introduction

The reconstruction of social change in societies has to take various factors into account and has to combine synchronic and diachronic elements. Today, if one analyzes the main theories of social change, dependency theory, the theories of evolution and structural-functionalist variants, one has to look for approaches that overcome their incompleteness. It seems currently consensual that evolutionary theories and structural-functionalist approaches cannot adequately explain social transformations and development(s) because of their epistemological structure (Helbling, 1984: 84). Among scholars defending evolutions, these are understood as the development of human societies in a succession of necessary and non-reversible societal types. Structural functionalism tries to explain society ‒ including its history ‒ through structures and functions that maintain the stability of the social system. Recent anthropological and sociological approaches argue that the explanation of social changes and diachronic aspects must also consider synchronous processes. However, a succession of predefined types of society cannot be presumed.
I agree with Helbling (1984: 95) that a social process and social change can only be explained by isolating particularly significant elements that make up a given social structure and by analyzing the relationships between them. By focusing on certain elements and their interrelations, a specific point of a transformation process can be shown. The transformation of a given social structure or two different structures indicates different periods of the history of a social system. Without the concept of structural processes, social change cannot be explained and demonstrated.

Theoretical Approaches to Social Change

The theoretical approaches that underlie the entire analytical framework of social change are surprisingly diverse. This diversity began in the 1960s with modernization theories of mainly Anglo-Saxon origin; in the 1970s, theories of dependency theories followed, mainly promoted by Latin American intellectuals. At the same time and at a higher level of abstraction, theories of structural change were developed. In the 1980s, approaches were widespread that supported an endogenous development, promoted by UNESCO; the decoupling perspective of the Southern countries was also discussed (S. Amin). In the 1990s, globalization theorists began to examine social developments. Among them, one could find many sociologists, who were inspired by theories of modernization and pointed out a growing convergence of societies due to the globalization of cultural, economic, and political systems. Some of these scholars deny that distinct modernities can be identified nowadays. The world-system approach underlined that developments in the various regions of the world could only be described as Western copies or its deviations influenced by postcolonial developments.

Multiple Modernities

In recent years, the approach of multiple modernities of S. Eisenstadt reached a certain influence among sociologists. According to this paradigm, development options are not understood as a failure or deficiency of a general model, but as a singular form of modernity. The observed variations are considered by this approach as typical for an overarching framework of modernity. The publications of these theorists assume that, on the one hand, one can determine a common core of societies (Antweiler, 2011), which characterizes a modernity in the singular and, on the other, one can determine other historical legacies in different regions, primarily based on major religious communities (Christianity, Hinduism, etc.). Eisenstadt (2006) claimed that the content core of modernity is not fixed but reacts dynamically so that many varieties can be found in the global world.
This cultural-historical approach, however, is not considered sufficient by its critics (e.g. Berger, 2006 and Schmidt, 2006). According to them, the newer variant of research on capitalism, democracies, or cultural systems is pointing in the right direction, but an overall synthesizing macro-sociological perspective is still largely missing, similar to that presented by research on modernization. It is now assumed that there will be no convergence of countries and regions in the direction of one modernity pattern because the same institutional solutions are not found everywhere. The concept of path dependency, which was emphasized and studied in recent years, interests many scholars (Goldstone, 1998; Mahoney, 2000; Beyer, 2005). It draws attention to contingent histories and questions the development of generalizable relationships. According to Parsons’ understanding, this argument relates mainly to the uni-linear evolutionism.
Shalini Randeria (1999, 2000) has further developed the model of Eisenstadt and speaks in contrast to this research program of ‘entangled modernities’ or interwoven forms. She proposes to abandon the idea of parallel versions of modernity and instead to speak of a model of interwoven forms that has arisen in the course of world history. Today, institutional similarities can be found in different countries; they are the result of imitations and mutual learning.

Glocalization

It can be assumed that new cultural forms can more easily be adopted than single cultural or philosophical aspects. Modernity is therefore, according to S. Randeria, a global arena that constantly forces societal aspects together but which will necessarily lead to convergent developments. Meanwhile, a variety of studies – some of them are described in the individual chapters of this book – shows that some forms of Western modernity are not only copied, but connect themselves to new glocal units with local forms that often have a specific character and may have similarities in form, structure, and function across regions and countries (Schuerkens, 2003, 2005, 2008, 2010, 2012, and 2014a). Thus, Hall and Soskice’s (2001: 60) claim variants of capitalist development does not stand in opposition to the world market, but unfold in and with it. However, it should be noted that these global processes still remain under-analyzed. This book is therefore in its different chapters an analysis of various social dimensions (inequality, economy, culture, etc.) in different regions of the world showing the current state of research. The result will allow arguing that one can no longer speak of a change of institutions towards a global pattern. Instead, one can find transnational processes that should be further investigated in globalization studies in order to demonstrate transnational connections of individuals, organizations, societies, or countries that have grown in importance in the last three decades. States have thus expanded their ability to check populations in transnational spaces (Interpol, NSA). Interactions, ideologies, institutions, the hierarchies of gender, ethnicity, and class are no longer only supported within nations, but have gained significance across nations. Transnational spaces that are composed of virtual and real social spaces exist in individual nation-states. Individuals, groups, and organizations act in such spaces (Boccagni, 2012).

Empirical Findings

Today, it cannot be denied that empirical findings on individual measurable indicators such as GDP, life expectancy, and literacy rates suggest a convergence, as Berger (2006) and Schmidt (2006) emphasized. Nevertheless, behind these similar figures, different institutions and systems, in short, qualitative differences exist that cannot be overlooked. One can for example point out the different forms of capitalism in Western Europe, Japan, and China, as respective cultural schemes that assure specific expressions (e.g. on the dimension of individualism-collectivism or in accordance to ethical requirements). One can also refer to social globalization, through measurable personal contacts (tourism, street market, foreign residence), information flows (Internet users, the number of television stations, the number of newspapers) and cultural similarities, such as the number of McDonalds restaurants, Ikea stores, and the book trade (Dreher, 2006; Dreher et al., 2008). One might think that these measurements threaten given cultures. This could even more apply in the West than the South. But in fact, can social aspects of globalization be measured? It seems as if transnational networks or people who live as migrants in other regions can be described, so that our focus on the study of transnational networks in parts of this book should permit an answer.

Differentiation Theory

These considerations lead me to introduce a differentiation theory that can further develop cultural and structural comparisons in order to identify different constellations of institutions and their relationships to each other. The importance of culture is weighted in a different way during a transformation of structures. In today’s global society, culture plays a role that is responsible for different dynamics. These are characterized by certain types of societies in the North and the South, or within a society between different cultural milieus. In this sense, it seems to me as if the multiple modernity approach to civilizations is given too much preference, so that some aspects of the glocalization debate with its different levels (nations, regions, and local contexts) should be fruitfully introduced. This would then lead to social actions that should be examined in complex institutions ‒ as I will show in the individual chapters of this book ‒ in which culture plays an important role. Eisenstadt’s approach is interesting in terms of collective identities of geographical regions, such as Latin America or sub-Saharan Africa, where the respective national societies struggle to develop distinctive identities, which have been characterized by common colonial and postcolonial political influences. These regions struggle to resist the transnational forces that brought them together. Examples are today’s economic unions, such as Mercosur (Mercado ComĂșn del Sur) or ECOWAS (Economic Community of West African States). The recent cycles of globalization can thus only be understood by the study of the growth of transnational flows, such as those in the Andean Community or in the ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations). These regions combine various states into an entity characterized by transnational flows and a partially shared history. Sanjay Subrahmanyam (1997, 2005) has spoken in this regard of connected histories, and Michael Werner and BĂ©nĂ©dicte Zimmermann (2002, 2006) have coined the term histoire croisĂ©e. This view allows taking mutual influences and resistances, new combinations and transformations into account. These interactions point to a network of dynamic relationships, defined by certain connections with each other. A transnational perspective that exceeds migration processes is thus needed in the research and development of transformations. The discussions in the various chapters of this book concretize this perspective and show that a societal analysis must transcend national boundaries. Today, we realize more and more that international groupings and agreements spring up like mushrooms. They are welcomed as they provide new skills and exercise power that responds to global requirements. Thus, the concepts of globalization and transnationalism refer to similar strands of research that coexist. Practices that are introduced across borders, social networks that exist or have existed prior to the globalization of the last 30 years, as well as the movement of ideas and people make it possible to analyze the processes that form collective identities. Such a perspective allows us to understand how the cultural history of macro-regions is connected to collective identities and affects power, meaning, and the character of social, political, and cultural forces of a society.

A Theoretical Approach of the Analysis of Social Transformations and Social Changes

The theoretical approach used in this book builds upon a theory of social change that was developed by Teune and Mlinar (1978). According to the authors, specific properties of all social systems make them develop and change. Change is defined as a growth of social differentiation, a parallel increase in the number of elements, and the integration of new elements. The analysis of social structures allows defining important factors of social transformations. In addition, the special type of conflicts and frictions characteristic for a given process and period has to be determined. Consequences of individual events of an endogenous and exogenous or, better, a global and local nature can be detected and possibilities of developing a certain type of society can then be suggested.
Social transformations can be explained by an analysis of written materials, the use of quantitative and qualitative methods, and the comparison of different periods of a society. The dynamics of a given society are thus different from other social entities, but due to the current interdependence of societies there are certain common processes. An analysis of social changes must take into account social relations among the concerned populations, the impact of globalized social structures on the local populations, and the phenomenon of change that results from the interaction of different social systems. The analysis of the transformation of a society is characterized by extreme diversity. Only an investigation that takes into account these three aspects can show the complex character of these social relations and the specific nature of these transformations.

A Theory of Social Transformations

This general framework leads me to clarify the subject of the theory of social transformations (see also Kollmorgen, 1999). In general, scholars try to use these approaches in order to explain causes, forms, and possible directions of social change. The anthropological and sociological explanations of transformations refer to the structure of a society in transition and to factors causing this change. The analysis of the transformation of a society permits to show conditions and describe elements that lead a society from a characteristic situation to another one.
It seems of interest in the analysis of transformations and developments to focus on the concepts of structure and time and to highlight particular aspects with regard to different categories of countries (Crow and Heath, 2002; Evans, 2003). The structural and temporal aspects of development concern both global and local social structures that interact with each other. Due to the European colonial expansion of the last centuries, the countries of the geographical South in Latin America, Africa, and parts of Asia continued to stay in close contact to Europe, so that local economic, political, or cultural structures could gradually change. A basic assumption of this approach is that particular structures were internationalized, leading to a more or less conscious acceptance of global models or at least parts of them by more or less large population groups in the respective regions. These processes led to situations in these regions which made it possible to detect a specific mix of indigenous local and Western (global) models. Colonization thus led to a certain degree of structural changes in colonized regions. The growing interactions between colonial powers and local populations consisted e.g. in the introduction of wage labour, a formal educational system, and a bureaucratic administrative system. Thus, the direction of change was determined by a politically implanted outside structural model which had to adapt to a certain degree to local cultural structures that could permit functional societal changes. One can argue that the resulting frictions, contradictions, and mixtures were considered development problems by Western elites and their counterparts in the South since the 1960s.

Diversity of Local Cultures

Despite the diversity of local cultures, the socio-economic and ...

Table of contents

  1. Cover
  2. Half Title
  3. Publisher Note
  4. Title Page
  5. Copyright Page
  6. Contents
  7. About the Author
  8. Preface
  9. Acknowledgements
  10. Introduction
  11. 1 Social Transformations and DEvelopment(s) in a Globalized World
  12. 2 The Sociological and Anthropological Study of Globalization and Localization
  13. 3 Transformations of Local Socio-Economic Practices in a Global World
  14. 4 Globalization and the Transformation of Social Inequality
  15. 5 Transnational Migrations and Social Transformations
  16. 6 Socio-Economic Impacts of the Global Financial Crisis
  17. 7 Communication, Media, Technology, and Global Social Change
  18. 8 Global Social Change and the Environment
  19. 9 Conflict, Competition, Cooperation, and Global Change
  20. 10 Globalization and Social Movements: Human Agency and Mobilizations for Change1
  21. 11 Final Remarks: Social Change in a Global World
  22. References
  23. Index