Two broad strands of Lukan scholarship have contributed to common misrepresentations of Lukan eschatology. Influential mid-twentieth-century scholarship placed Luke within a presumed trajectory of decreasing eschatological interest and increasing focus on the day-to-day matters of the church over the generations following the first disciples.5 Drawing on polemical contrasts between Paul and Luke and accentuating synoptic differences, these studies portrayed Luke as distinctively uneschatological within the NT.6 More recent studies have particularly considered the genre of Luke/Acts instead, tending to emphasise certain similarities to non-Jewish Graeco-Roman texts, while overlooking themes (such as those of an eschatological character) that these texts do not share.7 In different ways, each of these two strands has influenced an enduring tendency to underestimate the centrality of eschatology for understanding Luke/Acts.
Expanding the range of ancient sources suitable for pertinent comparison, this study investigates how understandings of history in the Graeco-Roman period illuminate Lukan eschatology. The analysis underscores Lukeās periodised and teleological schema of history, the important continuities and differences in Lukeās portrayal of divine and human agency in history, and how all of these features are shaped by Lukeās understanding of the relationship between the end of history and the present time. I argue that the resultant insight into history in Luke/Acts clarifies not only Lukan eschatology, but related concerns or effects of his eschatology: Lukeās politics and approach to suffering.
1 A note on nomenclature
Throughout this study I use āhistoryā in its philosophical sense to denote understandings of the whole ācourse of human affairs,ā8 also encompassing elements of a writerās understanding of time that may extend beyond affairs in which humans are involved. A schema of history can include a conception not only of the beginning and the end of history, but also, for instance, events beyond the end of history. Additionally, throughout the discussion I reserve the term āhistoriographyā for a literary genre of texts that give an account of events.9 This definition does not challenge the legitimacy of the other dictionary meanings for āhistoriographyā (in addition to āwritten historyā the OED includes āthe writing of historyā and āthe study of history-writingā).10 Neither does my limited use of āhistoryā undermine other meanings of the term. I am simply attempting a measure of clarity in a work that will make considerable use of so many related terms by excluding these other meanings from the present discussion. I use āendā to mean the ātermination, conclusion,ā11 while recognising that this can be portrayed in diverse ways when related to history, some of which also include a sense of āgoalā; on the varied ways in which ancient writers portray the āendā of history, see Chapter 3.
2 Hans Conzelmann and post-war debates about uneschatological Luke
Shortly following the Second World War, in which he himself was injured, Hans Conzelmann (1915 ā 1989) published a work which would profoundly shape the conversation within, and assumptions of, Lukan studies.12 In Die Mitte der Zeit, Conzelmann argued that Luke responded to a crisis caused by the parousiaās delay13 by distancing his narrative from imminent eschatological expectation and focusing instead on the time of the early church as a new salvation-historical period. For Conzelmann, this separation of history from eschatology reflected the evangelistās distortion of the primitive kerygma.14 It is important that Conzelmannās work is understood in its own historical context: this was not an endorsement of Lukan theology, but reflected Conzelmannās grave concerns about what he perceived as Lukeās project of identifying the divine purpose with the events of history. Concomitantly, Conzelmann posited that the shift from eschatological expectation to salvation history had steered Lukeās politics and understanding of suffering.15
The claims put forward in Die Mitte der Zeit were not new in every respect.16 Scholars such as Albert Schweitzer17 and one of Conzelmannās great influences, Rudolf Bultmann,18 had already advanced theories about the delayed parousia and its consequences for early Christian communities and NT texts. Likewise, as Conzelmann theorised about Lukeās reasons for focusing on a historical account (especially in narrating the life of the early church in Acts), he cited Philipp Vielhauerās earlier argument: that simply by writing a narrative of the early church in Acts, Luke demonstrated a turn to focus on history instead of eschatology.19 But Conzelmann was responsible for at least two significant developments. Giving prominence to his new redaction-critical method, he claimed to have demonstrated Lukeās systematic tendency to remove expectation of the imminent parousia from his sources.20 And he developed a detailed account of Lukeās schema of salvation history, which he identified as Lukeās āsolutionā to this delay:
If Luke has definitely abandoned belief in the early expectation, what does he offer on the positive side as an adequate solution of the problem? An outline of the successive stages in redemptive history (der gegliederten KontinuitƤt der Heilsgeschichte) according to Godās plan.21
Conzelmann thus proposed a threefold structure of history (the times of Israel, Jesus, and the church), arguing Luke has moved the time of Jesus from the end of history to ādie Mitte.ā22
Conzelmann rightly identified the importance of both periodisation and the divine plan to Lukeās understanding of history. However, in light of his assumptions about Lukeās situation and his negative assessment of what he perceived to be Lukeās project, he overlooked continuities between Lukeās understanding of history and other contemporaneous writers,23 with serious ramifications for his influential representation of Lukan eschatology and its effects. For instance, Conzelmann took periodisation to be a characteristically Lukan modification, whereas this feature is shared by texts from Jewish apocalypses to Diodorusās historiography.24 Moreover, historical apocalypses demonstrate that expectations of an imminent end are not mutually exclusive with a periodised schema of history overseen by a divine plan. When Lukeās portrayal of history is placed within a broader context, I suggest, a quite different view of Lukan eschatology emerges.
2.1 The reception of Conzelmannās work
The significance of Conzelmannās contribution was immediately recognised, though his work was not received uncritically. Henry Cadbury referenced pre-publication summaries from Conzelmann in support of his delayed parousia hypothesis,25 and C. H. Dodd purportedly commented, āI suspect we shall have to give (the Lukan writings) over, so to speak, to Conzelmann.ā26 Several studies built on Conzelmannās methodology and findings. For instance, Erich GrƤsser extended the approach into a more detailed assessment of Acts as well as Mark and Matthew27 and GĆ¼nter Klein applied Conzelmannās model to Lukeās prefaces.28 Ernst KƤsemann embraced the salvation-historical framework with some venom at Lukeās endeavour and employed labels that would become key criticisms: Luke was a representative of FrĆ¼hkatholizismus and proponent of theologia gloriae.29
Not all scholars who supported Conzelmannās conclusions, however, took as negative a view as the Bultmann school. Ulrich Wilckens affirmed the framework of salvation history, relegation of imminent eschatological expectation, and the assessment that Luke was early catholic, without judging any of these features to be negative30āa position with which many contemporary treatments of Lukan eschatology show considerable sympathy.31
Numerous studies accepted the broad strokes of Conzelmannās historical schema, but suggested amendments to particular elements. For instance, some debated the exact points of transition between historical periods.32 By contrast, for writers like E. Earle Ellis, Lukeās account reflects a balance between both the imminent and future aspects of eschatology, as Luke seeks to counter not the crisis of the parousiaās delay, but the problem of disciples who were too focused on āapocalypticā expectation. In notable distinction from Conzelmann, Ellis emphasises a two-age schema of history, though he divides this timing into two further stages for Jesus and his followers. For Ellis, Lukeās concern lies in correcting ethical practice, hence Luke emphasises the unknown timing but inst...