History of the Rise of the Huguenots Vol. 1

Baird, Henry Martyn

• Publisher: pubOne.info
• Year: 2010
• ISBN:
  9782819940432
• Topic: Literatura
• Subtopic: Clásicos

pubOne.info present you this wonderfully illustrated edition. Occupying nearly four columns, appeared in the New York Tribune of Dec. 30th, 1879, from which the following is extracted.

End of Volume I.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Meantime I am glad that we may expect before very long, from the pen of my brother, Charles W. Baird, the history of the Huguenot emigration to the American colonies in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries— a work based upon extensive research, that will afford much interesting information respecting a movement hitherto little understood, and fill an important gap in our historical literature.

[2] Of the different modes of spelling this name, I choose the mode which, according to the numerous fac-similes given by Dr. Forbes, the worthy knight seems himself to have followed with commendable uniformity.

[3] Mignet, Essai sur la formation territoriale et politique de la France depuis la fin du onzième siècle jusqu'à la fin du quiinzième. Notices et Mémoires Historiques, ii. 154.

[4] Mignet, 157, 158.

[5] A manuscript chronicle of the time of Charles the Sixth, quoted by Guizot, Histoire de la Civilisation en France, iv. 144, states the interesting fact that the inhabitants of Périgord and the adjoining districts, thus surrendered to Henry the Third of England, for centuries bore so hearty a grudge against the French king, of whom the rest of France was justly proud, and whose name the church had enrolled in the calendar, that they never would consent to regard him as a saint or to celebrate his feast day!

[6] “Le quali tutte provincie sono così bene poste, ” etc. Relazione di Francia dell' Amb. Marino Cavalli, in Relations des Ambassadeurs Vénitiens (Tommaseo, Paris), i. 220.

[7] “Dico che il regno di Francia per universal consenso del mondo fu riputato il primo regno di cristianità, ” etc. Commentario del regno di Francia del clarissimo sig. Michel Suriano, Rel. des Amb. Vén. , i. 470.

[8] “Dopo il papa che è universal capo della religione, e la signoria di Venezia, che, come è nata, s'è conservata sempre cristiana. ” Suriano, ubi supra, i. 472.

[9] This was in the early part of Queen Elizabeth's reign, Dec. 15, 1559, MSS. British Museum. I use the summary in the Calendar of State Papers (Stevenson), p. 197, note.

[10] Marino Cavalli stated, in 1546, that this systematic policy of continually incorporating and never alienating had been pursued for eighty years. So successful had it proved, that everything had been absorbed by confiscation, succession, or purchase. There was, perhaps, no longer a single prince in the kingdom with an income of 20, 000 crowns; while even their scanty resources and straitened estates the princes possessed simply as ordinary proprietors, from whose actions an appeal was open to the king. Relazioni Venete (Albèri, Firenze), serie 1, i. 234, 235.

[11] Yet the old prejudice against city life had not fully died out. So late as in 1527, Chassanée wrote: “Galliæ omnis una est nobilium norma. Nam rura et prædia sua (dicam potius castra) incolentes urbes fugiunt, in quibus habitare nobilem turpe ducitur. Qui in illis degunt, ignobiles habentur a nobilibus. ” Catalogus Gloriæ Mundi, fol. 200.

[12] Michel Suriano, Rel. des Amb. Vén. , i. 488.

[13] Mignet, ubi supra, ii. 160, etc.

[14] Rel. dell' Amb. Marino Cavalli (1546), ubi supra, i. 229.

[15] It would seem that the Venetian ambassadors were never free from apprehension lest their admiration of what they had seen abroad might be construed as disparagement of their own island city. Hence, Marino Giustiniano (A. D. 1535), after making the statement which we have given in the text, is careful to add: “Pur non arriva di richezza ad una gran gionta quanto Venezia; nè anco ha maggior popolo, per mio giudizio, di che loro si gloriano. ” Rel. Venete (Albèri, Firenze), serie 1, i. 148.

[16] The lowest estimate, which is that of Guicciardini (Belgiæ Descriptio, apud Prescott, Philip II. , i. 367), is probably nearest the mark; the highest, 800, 000, is that of Davila, Storia delle Guerre Civili, 1. iii. (Eng. trans. , p. 79). Marino Cavalli, in 1546, says 500, 000; Michel Suriano, in 1561, between 400, 000 and 500, 000. M. Dulaure is even more parsimonious than Guicciardini, for he will allow Paris, in the sixteenth century, not more than 200, 000 to 210, 000 souls! Histoire de Paris, iv. 384. Some of the exaggerated estimates may be errors of transcription. At least Ranke asserts that this is the case with the 500, 000 of Fran. Giustiniani in 1537, where the original manuscript gives only 300, 000. Französische Geschichte, v. (Abschn. 1), 76.

[17] See, for example, the MS. receipt, from which it appears that, in 1516, Sieur Imbert de Baternay pledged his entire service of plate to help defray the expenses of the war. Capefigue, François Premier et la Renaissance, i. 141.

[18] Marino Giustiniano (1535), Rel. Venete (Albèri), i, 185, François de Rabutin, Guerres de Belgique (Ed. Panthéon), 697.

[19] Marino Giustiniano, ubi supra.

[20] M. A. Boullée (in his Histoire complète des États-Généraux, i. 181, etc. ) and other writers give the character of States General to the gathering of princes, clergy, etc. , at Tours, in May, 1506. This was the assembly from which Louis XII. obtained the welcome advice to break an engagement to give his daughter Claude, heiress of Brittany, in marriage to Charles, the future emperor of Germany, in order that he might be free to bestow her hand on Francis of Angoulême. M. Boullée is also inclined to call the assembly after the battle of St. Quentin, January 5, 1558, a meeting of the States General. But Michel Suriano is correct in stating (Rel. des Amb. Vén. , Tommaseo, i. 512-514) that between Louis XI. 's time and 1560 the only States General were those of 1483. Chancellor L'Hospital's words cited below are conclusive.

[21] Some of Louis XI. 's successors imbibed his aversion for these popular assemblies, and would, like Louis, have treated any one as a rebel who dared to talk of calling them. Michel Suriano, Rel. des Amb. Vén. (Tommaseo), i. 512-514.

[22] Chancellor L'Hospital's remarkable words were: “Or, messieurs, parceque nous reprenons l'ancienne coustume de tenir les estats jà délaissés par le temps de quatre-vingts ans ou environ, où n'y a mémoire d'homme qui y puisse atteindre, je diray en peu de paroles que c'est que tenir les estats, pour quelle cause Fon assembloit les estats, la façon et manière, et qui y présidoit, quel bien en vient au roy, quel au peuple, et mesmes s'il est utile au roy de tenir les estats, ou non. ” The address in full in La Place, Commentaires de l'Estat de la République, etc. (Ed. Panthéon), 80.

[23] Michel Suriano, ubi supra.

[24] “Tellement que sous ces beaux et doux appasts, l'on n'ouvre jamais telles assemblees que le peuple n'y accoure, ne les embrasse, et ne s'en esiouysse infiniement, ne considerant pas qu'il n'y a rien qu'il deust tant craindre, comme estant le general refrain d'iceux, de tirer argent de luy. . . . Au contraire jamais on ne feit assemblee generale des trois Estats en cette France, sans accroistre les finances de nos Roys à la diminution de celles du peuple. ” Pasquier, Recherches de la France, l. ii. c. 7, p. 82.

[25] “Il rè di Francia è rè d'asini, perchè il suo popolo supoorta ogni sorte di peso, senza rechiamo mai. ” Michel Suriano, Commentarii (Rel. des Amb. Vén. , Tommaseo), i. 486.

[26] Guerres de Belgique (Éd. Panthéon), 585.

[27] “Egli può riputar poi tutti li danari della Francia esser suoi; perche nelli suoi bisogni, sempre che li dimanda, gli sono portati molto volontariamente per la incomparabil benevolenza di essi popoli. ” Relaz. Ven. (Albèri), ii. 172.

[28] Cayet, Hist. de la guerre sous le règne de Henry IV. , i. 248. We shall see that Francis carried out the same ideas of absolute authority in his dealings both with reputed heresy and with the Gallican Church itself. He seems even to have believed himself commissioned to do all the thinking in matters of religion for his more intellectual sister; for, if Brantôme may be credited, when Constable Montmorency, on one occasion, had the temerity to suggest to him that all his efforts to extirpate error in France would be futile until he began with Margaret of Angoulême, Francis silenced him with the remark: “No more on that subject! She loves me too much; she will never believe anything but what I desire. ” Femmes illustres: Marguerite, reine de Navarre.

[29] “Stanno a quelli soggetti più che cani. ” Relaz. Ven. , ii. 174.

[30] Ibid. , ubi supra.

[31] “Mercatores aspernantur, ” says Chassanée in 1527, “ut vile atque abjectum omnium genus. ” Catal. Gloriæ Mundi, fol. 200.

[32] Mignet, ubi supra, ii. 173.

[33] See the sketch by Daniel, Histoire de France, reprinted in Leber, Collection de pièces relatives à l'histoire de France, vi, 266, etc. ; also Mignet, ubi supra, ii. 177, etc.

[34] Mignet, ubi supra, ii. 212; Floquet, Histoire du parlement de Normandie, tom. i. ; Daniel, ubi supra; Vicomte de Bastard-D'Estang, Les parlements de France, i. 189.

[35] The formula is worthy of attention: “Quand on vous apportera à sceller quelque lettre, signée par le commandement du Roi, si elle n'est de justice et raison, ne la scellerez point, encore que ledit Seigneur le commandast par une ou deux fois; mais viendrez devers iceluy Seigneur, et lui remonstrerez tous les points par lesquels ladite lettre n'est pas raisonnable, et après que aura entendu lesdita points, s'il vous commande la sceller, la scellerez, car lors le péché en sera sur ledit Seigneur et non sur vous. ” In full in M. de Saint-Allais, De l'ancienne France (Paris, 1834), ii. 91; see also Capefigue, François Premier et la Renaissance, i. 106.

[36] Certainly not than with the Parliament of Aix. See its shortcomings in the papers of Prof. Joly, of the Faculté des Lettres of Caen, entitled “Les juges des Vaudois: Mercuriales du parlement de Provence au XVIe siècle, d'après des documents inédits. ” Bulletin de l'hist. du Prot. fr. , xxiv. (1875), 464-471, 518-523, 555-564.

[37] “Qu'il n'y a pas un seigneur en ce ressort, qui n'aye son chancelier en ceste Cour. ” Boscheron des Portes, Histoire du parlement de Bordeaux (Bordeaux, 1877), i. 191-194, from Registers of Parliament.

[38] “La génuflexion ne le ferait pas moins roi qu'il était. ” Ibid. , i. 185.

[39] See Pasquier's conclusive argument in his chapter: “Que l'opinion est erronée par laquelle on attribue l'institution de l'Université de Paris à l'Empereur Charlemagne. ” Recherches de la France, 800. So universally accepted, however, in Pasquier's time, was the story of Charlemagne's agency in the matter, that “de croire le contraire c'est estre hérétique en l'histoire, ” p. 798.

[40] The chancellor “de Notre Dame, ” the chancellor proper, alone had the power to create doctors in theology, law, and medicine; but candidates for the degree of master of arts might apply either to him or to the rival chancellor of Sainte Geneviève: “Quant aux Maistres és Arts, à l'un ou l'autre Chancelier, selon le choix qui en est fait par celuy qui veut prendre sa licence. ” Pasquier, Recherches, 840.

[41] “Le premier juge et censeur de la doctrine et mœurs des escoliers, que nous appelons Chancelier de l'Université. ” Pasquier, ubi supra, 265.

[42] Pasquier has a fund of quaint information respecting the university, the chancellor, the rector, etc. Of the contrast between rector and chancellor he remarks: “Quant au Chancelier de l'Université il pare seulement de ce coup contre toutes ces grandeurs (sc. du Recteur); que le Recteur fait des escoliers pour estudier (tout ainsi que le capitaine des soldats, quand il les enrolle pour combattre) mais le Chancelier fait des capitaines quand il baille le bonnet de Theologie, Decret, Medecine, et Arts, pour enseigner et monter en chaire. ” Ubi supra, 843.

[43] Sleidanus, De statu rel. , etc. , ad annum 1521.

[44] “Vinculis, censuris, imo ignibus et flammis coercendam, potius quam ratione convincendam. ” Determination of the Fac. of Theology against Luther, April 15. 1521, Gerdes, Hist. Evang. Renov. , iv. 10, etc. , Documents.

[45] From the Cité, or island on which the city was originally built, and the Ville, or Paris north of the Seine. Pasquier, Recherches, 797; J. Sinceri, Itinerarium Galliæ (1627), 270.

[46] Juvenal des Ursins, apud Pasquier, 267.

[47] Relazioni Venete (Albèri), i. 149.

[48] Ibid. , i. 226.

[49] “Donc, le gouvernement de l'Église n'est pas un empire despotique. ” Abbé Claude Fleury, Discours sur les Libertés de l'Église gallicane, 1724 (reprinted in Leber, Coll. de pièces relatives à l'hist. de France, iii. 252).

[50] “On a contesté l'authenticité de cette pièce, mais elle est aujourd'hui généralement reconnu. ” Isambert, Recueil gén. des anciennes lois françaises, i. 339.

[51] Preuves des Libertez de l'Eglise Gallicane, pt. ii. ; Isambert, ubi supra; Ordonnances des Roys de France de la troisième race, i. 97-98. Section 5 sufficiently expresses the feelings of the king in reference to the insatiable covetousness of the Roman court: “Item, exactiones et onera gravissima pecuniarum, per curiam Romanam ecclesiæ regni nostri impositas vel imposita, quibus regnum nostrum miserabiliter depauperatum extitit, sive etiam imponendas, aut imponenda levari, aut colligi nullatenus volumus, nisi duntaxat pro rationabili, pia et urgentissima causa, inevitabili necessitate, et de spontaneo et expresso consensu nostro et ipsius ecclesiæ regni nostri. ” See also Sismondi, Histoire des Français, vii. 104.

[52] Sismondi, Hist. des Français, xiii. 317, etc.

[53] The Pragmatic Sanction is long and intricate, consisting in great part of references to those portions of the canons of the Council of Basle which it confirms. The entire d...

Table of contents

• HISTORY OF THE
• A REVIEW OF THIS WORK,
• PREFACE.
• BOOK FIRST.
• CHAPTER II.
• CHAPTER III.
• CHAPTER IV.
• CHAPTER V.
• CHAPTER VI.
• CHAPTER VII.
• CHAPTER VIII.
• CHAPTER IX.
• CHAPTER X.
• CHAPTER XI.
• CHAPTER XII.
• End of Volume I.
• FOOTNOTES:
• Copyright