1
Who Belonged to Associations?
Much more numerous, nearly innumerable, ⌠were the funeral guilds, proper. Composed of poor people ⌠they chiefly aimed to furnish decent burialâŚ
Waltzing, 1895: 347
The Christian communities grew up ⌠in the midst of poverty. They had a special message to the poor, and the poor naturally flowed into them.
Hatch, 1881: 42
In general, the members of the associations seem to have been drawn from the upper echelons of the urban plebs and can best be characterized as âemployersâ rather than âemployeesâ.
Patterson, 2006: 255
Paulâs undisputed letters ⌠[lead] ⌠to the conclusion that the vast majority of the people in his assemblies lived just above or just below the level of subsistence.
Friesen, 2004: 357
Introduction
The question in the title is asked, to some extent, with tongue in cheek. An answer would be: many types of people from all walks of life belonged to unofficial associations, and it depends which specific group you are talking about. Yet, as the citations above show, the question of how we can generalize about the overall socioeconomic profile of participants in associations from a birdâs eye view has occupied scholarship in the past. This subject must be broached for us to address important questions regarding group survival: what segments of society were most well represented within associations overall and what implications would this have for the ability of members to support an association and contribute towards its survival?
Recent scholarship generally affirms that most associations drew members from non-elite segments of society (primarily, although not solely, in the cities), and we agree. After all, the imperial elites at the top of society â those senators and equestrians who had exorbitant wealth and held official Roman positions â amounted to an extremely small percentage of the overall population of the Roman empire, probably less than 2 per cent. And the relatively wealthy civic elites who took on important official positions in cities and sat on various boards in the provinces probably made up less than 10 per cent of the urban population.1 So it is not a surprise to find non-elite strata prevalent within most associations, since those below the imperial and civic elites made up the vast majority of the total population (probably more than 95 per cent). However, in recent decades, it is recognized that non-elite portions of the population were, themselves, considerably varied in terms of wealth, occupation, ethnicity and other status variables, rather than being socially or economically monolithic.
Scholarly debates are, therefore, centred more on the question of what segments of âthe massesâ or non-elite populations (âplebsâ or âplebeiansâ, in Roman imperial terminology) were more fully represented than others in associations of various types. Of course, the answer is, it depends which group is under investigation. Associations were constituted from social network connections pertaining to the household, neighbourhood, occupation and ethnicity.2 Certain groups, such as those formed through occupational contacts, may have had a more homogeneous composition than others, with at least some other specific groups reflecting a cross section of status levels in local society. In this chapter, we are less concerned with re-exploring specific cases of the socioeconomic status of those who belonged to this or that association.
Rather, like some recent scholars, we are concerned with broader patterns that are discernible regarding the profiles of membership across many groups and in what demographic generalizations may or may not be reasonable. In particular, while some recent studies propose that associates, especially those in guilds, predominantly came from wealthier segments of non-elite strata, and that membership would be relatively expensive or unaffordable for people living at lower levels, this chapter proposes a more complicated scenario. We argue that, instead, it is more reasonable to suggest that the majority of groups likely drew their members from those living between subsistence (those living with the minimum level of food, shelter and clothing) and those of middling wealth.
In this context, there was not necessarily a direct correlation between the socioeconomic standing of members in a particular group, on the one hand, and group material survival, on the other. Rather, as we will see in the next chapter, associations that survived were ones that were cognizant of their membersâ situations and functioned with available, if limited, means. Often, associations that were unable to weather financial storms would be those that, regardless of associatesâ socioeconomic level, mismanaged funds or overburdened participants and so lived beyond the means of their constituencies, failing to meet established communal goals.
Two scholarly models: Relatively wealthy, or poor?
It is common for scholars to generalize about the socioeconomic profiles of associations in one of two ways. On the one hand is a more recent proposal since the 1990s, which pertains primarily to occupational associations but is sometimes generalized beyond that. In a study of Italy, John Patterson (2006) suggests that, in general, members of associations âseem to have been drawn from the upper echelons of the urban plebs and can best be characterized as âemployersâ rather than âemployeesâ â.3 Pattersonâs assessment is concentrated on Italy during the early imperial age, but some others draw similar conclusions about the overall picture for other parts of the Mediterranean. And so van Nijf (1997) finds that members of associations in Greece and Asia Minor âcame from a level of society intermediate between the rich and the poor .⌠[T]hey constituted the group which Aristotle describes as the mesoi [âthose in the middleâ], and of which the Romans used the specific term plebs media.â4 Similarly, Nicolas Tranâs (2016) study of guilds in second- and third-century Arles (in Gaul) finds that most participants of occupational associations there âseem to have belonged to the highest echelons of the world of work â they were part of a âplebeianâ elite that was well integrated into the cityâ.5 Tran acknowledges that epigraphy tends to give us access mainly to the wealthier segments of the plebeian population, however.6 A significant corollary of this emphasis on middling wealth is the notion that the cost of association membership may have been too expensive for those of lower economic strata.7
There have been both positive and negative outcomes of this scholarly trend. These recent assessments are often accompanied by a relatively new and valuable realization that the functions of associations went well beyond the material: membership in such groups was something of symbolic value to people, rather than something they necessarily required, as had been implied by the old notion of âburial associationsâ of the poor.8 Yet the primary focus on those of middling wealth to the neglect of other demographic cohorts mea...