Introduction
Strengthening local governance (SLG) and thereby building local government institutions (LGIs) as veritable organisations for tackling developmental challenges has become an important goal worldwide due to an increase, since the inception of the welfare state, in the sphere of functions of the central government. Attachment of the central authority with challenges of national and global issues intensifies further for globalisation and technological changes. Thus, delivery of government services to the doorsteps of local people requires strong and capable LGIs. In the absence of capable LGIs, it remains quite difficult for the national government to focus on the local issues substantially and to initiate necessary action to meet the challenges. Additionally, the importance of LGIs in the contemporary global context has increased as they have been gradually empowered to initiate development programmes to serve grassroots citizens. Thus, the activities of LGIs have extended multifariously to include the making of need-based policies, implementations of the same, distribution of goods and services, reducing the burden of the central government, educating citizens about democratic practices and rights, building political leadership, and addressing internal socio-cultural diversity (Haque, 2008, p. 32). Therefore, irrespective of geographical location, LGIs are expected to be capable enough to deliver services of the government to the common people by being local self-governments rather than by being the agents of the central government.
Modern states aim to make LGIs responsive to the demands of their citizens. The government has been the sole actor for bringing a dynamic shift in governance systems of localities in many countries. Like other countries, Bangladesh has been found proactive towards SLG, as it has formulated innovative policies and enacted time befitting laws with an intention to decentralise power to LGIs. However, initiatives of the government, in one hand, have not been found sufficient to make LGIs capable of satisfying citizensā demands, and on the other hand, neighbourhood governments have failed to implement the policies and laws formulated by the government (Nasrin, 2013, p. 47; Aminuzzaman, 2013, p. 206). As a matter of fact, it remains very difficult for the government to strengthen LGIs alone as SLG involves a good number of actors and multidimensional tasks. Realising this fact, the government of Bangladesh (GoB) very recently in the seventh FYP has formally recognised the importance of the involvement of different backers to increase the capacity of LGIs to become capable of delivering services to poor and marginalised people. This initiative has created a congenial environment and opportunity for international non-governmental organisations (INGOs) and non-governmental organisations (NGOs), though these non-state actors (NSAs) have already spent a long time in this sector and have been met with indifferent attitudes towards their involvement by the government. However, the individualistic approach of either governmental organisations (GO) or NGOs may create duplication or a clash of efforts in the implementation process. Moreover, both GOs and NGOs have certain varieties of limitations in their way of making and implementing policies. Under these circumstances, collaborative efforts might work best in reducing deficiencies by complementing each other and compensating for weaknesses.
Therefore, this study intending to unearth the impacts of collaborative efforts on local governance deserves special mention and merits attention for in-depth exploration. To be more specific, this study aims to identify different issues relating to the collaboration of NGOs with LGIs in general and in Union Parishads (hereafter UPs) in particular and its impacts on strengthening the governance situation of the former. In order to uncover the impacts of collaboration on local governance an NGO scheme, āSharique: A Local Governance Projectā (hereinafter Sharique), which is financed and contracted by the Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation (SDC) and implemented by Helvetas Swiss Intercooperation (hereinafter Helvetas), has been selected for the study.1
The overall purpose of this book is to assess the contribution of GO-NGO collaborative efforts for SLG in Bangladesh and specifically to inquire into the initiatives taken by Sharique to strengthen the governance of the UPs as an outcome of collaboration with the UPs. Specifically, this book intends to satisfy the following objectives: (1) to review various efforts of the GoB that were intended to strengthen local bodies; (2) to identify strategies and activities of different types of collaborative programmes that have been implemented with an intention to strengthen local governance in Bangladesh; (3) to evaluate the role of Sharique in strengthening the process of governance of the UPs; (4) to identify the challenges that are being faced by Sharique whilst working to strengthen the governance of the UPs; and (5) to figure out policy implications and develop a model for further development of collaborative efforts to strengthen local governance.
This book has created an opportunity to inject knowledge into the field of SLG study and GO collaboration, particularly of LGIs with NGOs. The existing literature predominantly covers the initiatives of the government and in a few other cases the efforts of the donors/NGOs or collaboration of both at the central level in pursuit of local government affairs, particularly for SLG. However, the teamwork of LGIs and NGOs for SLG has never been studied extensively. It is also important to understand how the mechanisms of collaboration work in the presence of affecting factors that determine the status of the relationships between partners. This book largely unearths the impacts of collaborative efforts to build capacity of the actors, enhance peopleās participation, ensure downward accountability, increase transparency, mainstream gender, and improve tax collection to promote fiscal autonomy, which has not been studied before in such a comprehensive manner. Moreover, attention has also been given to scrutinising the state of maintenance of provisions and guidelines of the comprehensive Union Parishad Act of 2009, as well as other legal mandates, and the Local Government Support Project (LGSP) requirements by the UPs with inspirations from Sharique. Thus, this book fills a gap in the literature through exploring impacts of joint efforts of UPs and Sharique for SLG and the relationship of UPs and Sharique in their efforts to reach targets.
The study expects to assist democratic countries of the developing world that intend to strengthen local governance with agreeable attitudes towards NGOs for joint initiatives. The book spotlights such areas which produce results to answer the questions of whether it is possible to strengthen local governance through NGOāLGI collaborations. Moreover, this book insists on identifying the factors to understand whether the collaboration of NGOs at local level is feasible. It also forwards arguments to indicate whether current practices are adequate or if more reformative measures are necessary for both SLG and the collaboration process.
Sketch of local governance in Bangladesh
LGIs in Bangladesh are broadly encountering some inherent and extrinsic weaknesses and challenges of lack of capacity and financial resources, as well as limited practices of institutional laws to perform at the desired level. They inherited āBritish-invented,ā āPakistani-installed,ā and ācentrally controlledā local hierarchical structures; and almost all the regimes of independent Bangladesh have used LGIs to strengthen their power and support base at the local level in the name of decentralisation (Nadiruzzaman, 2008, p. II). Inefficiency, ineffectiveness, and incompetence ā the major features of LGIs ā and their small size have kept away talented and dedicated people from participating in the governing process (Siddiqui, 1992, p. 7). LGIs are more prone to indulge in malfeasance and corruption than the national government due to lack of transparency, accountability, efficiency, promptness, proper knowledge, regular auditing, the proper mindset among elites, bureaucrats, and officials, informal governance, and participation of the marginalised people (Siddiqui, 1992, p. 7). The national government is monitored and checked through different mechanisms of well-established commissions, civil society organisations (CSOs) and other organisations that actually fall short at the local level. Since the British colonial era, LGIs have always been subjected to the domination of the local bureaucrats and national level politicians (Hussain, 2003, p. 5). Consequently, evidence shows that the elected UP officials have been found busy fulfilling the aspirations and demands of the members of the ruling parties instead of remaining inclined to serve the causes of the local people. The majority of the functionaries of LGIs lack adequate capacity, which is required to perform their mandated tasks. Moreover, management systems are weak, and broad-based community participation in the decision-making process is usually limited. Informal traditional rural elites dominate power structures of local areas, exercise a hegemonic role over local resources, and play a prominent role in deciding the socio-economic profiling on poverty (Lewis & Hossain, 2008, p. 83). This substantiates the claim that local governance remains weak operationally and functionally rather than structurally (Asaduzzaman, 2009, pp. 101ā103).
The politically privileged do not want to empower LGIs through decentralisation and hinder the process of creating opportunities for local inhabitants to get involved in the process of governance and keep an eye on their constituencies (Panday, 2011, p. 224). Frequent structural changes are also responsible for not having a properly functional local governance system (Islam & Khan, 2015, p. 13). Moreover, the relationship between LGIs and grassroots level offices of the central government administration is yet to be grounded in a sound working relationship (Panday, 2011, p. 218). Furthermore, decisions related to LGIs are usually made by the central government and the bureaucrats, who do not have an adequate level of willingness to decentralise and empower local institutions (Kauzya, 2003, p. 19).
By contrast, in third sectors, NGOs are recognised for their roles in alleviating poverty and gain a strong position in the arena of governance and good governance (GG). Being more efficient, effective, and responsive, private sectors and their mechanisms have been suggested for improving governance. Furthermore, international aid agencies and the World Bank have been clamouring for a lessening the role and scope of state agencies through the privatisation of services (Islam & Farazmand, 2008, p. 39). Civil society, another recognised sector which has a critical role in democratisation, ensuring GG, and balancing between state power and private sectors, can play a major role by promoting āpluralism in associational lifeā in confirming peoplesā participation and delivering the benefits of decentralisation to the people and their organisations at the grass roots level (Rahman & Sarker, 1997, p. 57). The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), international donor agencies, and the World Bank have been advising and pressurising their stakeholders to create an opportunity for NGOs and CSOs to play greater roles in governance. NGOs have also transformed from their typical service orientations to be oriented with political issues, particularly with the promotion of GG. Recently, NGOs in Bangladesh have engaged with national and local governments to strengthen the governance of the same by collaborating with them.
The GoB has teamed up with donor agencies and NGOs have started formulating ideas and techniques to strengthen the UPsā governance. The first such comprehensive initiative, called āLocal Governance Support Project ā Learning and Innovation Component (LGSP-LIC),ā was designed to meet the ends of the millennium development goals (MDGs) with financial support from the World Bank, GoB, UNDP, United Nations Capital Development Fund (UNCDF), Danish International Development Agency (DANIDA) and the European Union (EU). The Sirajganj Local Government Development Fund Project (SLGDFP) (2000ā2005) has encouraged the government to continue such projects in a wide area of six districts, namely, Sirajganj, Habiganj, Satkhira, Feni, Barguna, and Narsingdi, through LGSP-LIC (2007ā2011) by transferring resources to the UPs. The project has further been enhanced through the next phase, namely, LGSP-II, which started in July 2011 and finished in June 2016 (LGD, n.d.). The aim of the project is to enhance UPsā capacity to make them confident in planning, budgeting, and implementing their plans and programmes. Lately, The LGSP 3 has been working for fulfilment on four core components; the components include (1) institutionalisation of UP fiscal transfer, (2) audits and performance management, and operationalization of Management Information System, (3) supplying expanded block grants (EBG) to pilot Pourasabhas, and (4) capacity development and project implementation support (World Bank, n.d.).
Furthermore, local and foreign NGOs in collaboration with the government with or without a partnership with other development associates have gotten involved in this sector. They are working in selected districts, with widespread enterprise yet to be taken, as they are searching for a suitable programme to suggest for replication. Some of the projects are Journey for Advancement in Transparency, Representation and Accountability (JATRA) of CARE (Cooperative for Assistance and Relief Everywhere) Bangladesh, Union Parishad Governance Project (UPGP) of UNDP with financial support from GoB, UNCDF, EU and DANIDA, SLG of BRAC (Bangladesh rural advance committee), Sharique of SDC, and the Strengthening Community-Based Organisations for Pro-poor Democratic Governance (SCOPE) project of Dan Church Aid (DCA) co-financed with the EU and the Church of Sweden (CoS).2 The Sharique project of SDC which has been proposed to be selected in this study has been implemented since 2006. The third phase of Sharique has just been completed in August 2016. The major focus of the project is on āplanning with the peopleā rather than the existing paradigm of āplanning for the people.ā A key principle of the project is to make governance work for the poor, women, and marginalised groups. Its activities have centred on capacity building, self-assessment, and budget support, as well as awareness building of the citizens to claim rights, facilitating citizensā participation in decision-making, improving gender equality, and conducting advocacies (Helvetas, n.d.).