Marginalisation and Events

Trudie Walters, Allan Stewart Jepson

• Publisher: Routledge
• Year: 2019
• ISBN:
  9780429015083
• Edition: 1
• Topic: Business
• Subtopic: Hospitality, Travel & Tourism Industry
• Index: Business

This book is the first to take an in-depth examination of marginalisation and events. Marginalisation has been the subject of academic research for some time now. For example, marginalisation and exclusion have been identified as problematic in fields as diverse as geography, public health, education and media studies. However, little research has been carried out within the field of event studies.

Using of a range of different theoretical and methodological approaches from a variety of disciplines, the volume applies a critical approach to events as they relate to marginalisation that seeks to address the 'how' and 'why', and to provide a holistic picture of their place and influence in the lives of marginalised individuals and communities.

International through authorship and examples, it encompasses case studies from around the world, including South Africa, the United Kingdom, Italy, Afghanistan, the United States, Brazil, Portugal, Australia and New Zealand. This is essential reading for students and researchers in the fields of critical event studies, anthropology, cultural studies, tourism, sociology and management.

1 Understanding
the nexus of marginalisation and events

Trudie Walters and Allan Stewart Jepson

Introduction

In developing this book, our aim was to bring together a collection of work that drew from many disciplines and applied a critical approach to events as they relate to marginalisation, that delved deeper and sought to address the ‘how’ and ‘why’ rather than the ‘what’, and that made use of a range of different theoretical and methodological approaches. The authors who have contributed chapters have engaged with these themes enthusiastically and critically, and this book will appeal to both emerging and established scholars working in a range of discipline areas – from fat studies to event studies to geography and anthropology.

This first chapter seeks to help the reader understand the nexus of marginalisation and events. It begins with a discussion of some of the myriad ways in which groups and/or communities may be marginalised, along with some of the consequences of marginalisation. This provides the necessary context for an examination of events and the ways in which they may engage with the margins and the marginalised, drawing out the contributions of subsequent chapters.

The margins

The expression of power commonly determines who lies ‘at the margins’ (Smith & Pitts, 2007), and by definition those ‘at the margins’ are not ‘in the centre’, which is where the seat of power is located (Kwong, 2011). Here, we borrow the eloquent words of Deenabandhu Manchala (2017: p. 202), who states that the term ‘margins’

belongs to the language of the centre. It seems to hold the marginalised people as objects, as a category, often referring to them as ‘the poor.’ But their faces and names are many – discriminated, despised, exploited, and kept disempowered so that the centres of power and privilege remain intact in the hands of a few. Secondly, this categorisation hides the many causes of their marginalisation. Thirdly ‘margins’ is a fluid concept. Some experiences of marginalisation are not the same as those who experience multiple or intense forms of marginalisation.

Groups and/or communities may experience marginalisation for a number of reasons and in a number of ways. Manchala’s words highlight the intersectional nature of marginalisation – often more than one factor is involved, which compounds the intensity of being marginalised (Smith & Pitts, 2007; Kwong, 2011; Manchala, 2017). At the same time, it is very uneven: those marginalised in one place or time may not experience the same marginalisation in another. Let us now turn to the literature dealing with the marginalised to understand who they are and how they experience marginalisation.

The marginalised

Marginalised groups and communities are commonly subject to derision, threats, exploitation and explicit and implicit discrimination, and/or are treated as objects rather than people (Smith & Pitts, 2007; Kauff, Wölfer & Hewstone, 2017; Manchala, 2017). This results in a sense of powerlessness and has significant impacts on all areas of the lives of the marginalised – social, economic, health and well-being (both physical and mental) and cultural. In order to contextualise the research presented in this volume, here we discuss the lived experiences of a selection of groups and communities marginalised for reasons of age, religious beliefs, sexuality, race/ethnicity, socio-economic status, disability, refugee/migrant status and geographic location. It must be noted that for each of these there is a wide body of literature, and it is impossible to cover it in any real depth while working within the word limits of a book chapter (or indeed a book). Rather, we treat this chapter as a mere starting point; we bring a very small selection of the available research and encourage interested readers to use the studies cited here as a springboard from which to dive into the pool of knowledge.

Age

Young and old alike may be unheard and rendered powerless, and both groups are marginalised as being dependent and unproductive (Angus & Reeve, 2006; Smith & Pitts, 2007). Arguably, the latter group has received more attention in the academic literature in light of increased life expectancies and an ageing population in most countries (Gratton & Scott, 2016). In reality, older people can be mentally and physically fit, healthy, active and contributing members of society. However, negative stereotypes of people over the age of 50 persist – they are often described as ‘over the hill’, frail and incapable of living independent lives in their own homes (Angus & Reeve, 2006; Roscigno et al., 2007; Altmann, 2015). Indeed, Angus and Reeve (2006: p. 138) state that, ‘discrimination against individuals based on their age – is widespread, generally accepted, and largely ignored’. Studies have found age discrimination in the workplace (Roscigno et al., 2007; Lahey, 2008) and in medicine (North & Fiske, 2012). When age does intersect with other factors, such as ill health, reduced mobility, reduced social networks (through death of friends or partners, or the need to relocate to be closer to services) and economic independence, the level of marginalisation intensifies (Angus & Reeve, 2006). For example, elder abuse is reported within families and nursing homes, and loneliness and social isolation are commonplace (North & Fiske, 2012).

The intersectionality of age and gender in the marginalisation of older people is apparent, with women reporting more ageist discrimination in the workplace based on their appearance and/or sexuality (Clarke & Griffin, 2008). While limited research focusses specifically on ‘invisible woman’ syndrome (where women report feeling invisible from their late 40s on), many participants in Clarke and Griffin’s (2008) study did note that ‘you don’t exist’ in the eyes of society as you gain the physical markers of age, such as grey hair, wrinkles and sagging skin (p. 661). Certainly, the phenomenon has gained attention in the popular media in recent years (see, for example, Holmgren, 2014; Tufvesson, 2016; Jones, 2017). This gendered age-based marginalisation is very real and takes a variety of forms: as Tufvesson (2016) notes, ‘Women may be passed over for service in a department store, overlooked for a spare seat on the train or passed over for a promotion in the office’.

Religious beliefs

Marginalisation based on religious belief remains a significant issue for many faith communities. A comprehensive study on religious discrimination conducted in England and Wales in 2001 found evidence of unfair treatment and overt hostility for believers of all religious faiths (Weller, Feldman & Purdam, 2001). However, the experience of marginalisation was not consistent across religions – some (Christians, Buddhists, Jews) face ignorance, while others (Sikhs, Hindus, Muslims) suffer verbal and physical abuse, damage to property and hostility (Weller, Feldman & Purdam, 2001).

Muslims in particular have been the target of discrimination since the Al Qaeda attacks in Washington and New York in 2001, Madrid in 2004 and London in 2005 (Brüß, 2008). Yet Islamic migrants have been marginalised in many European countries since the 1950s through their exclusion from mainstream society (Brüß, 2008; Karlsen & Nazroo, 2013; Pauly, 2013). They have been relegated to the periphery of cities and towns, their mosques are frequently situated in squalid locations, they are often working in unskilled labour and have low incomes, and unemployment rates amongst Muslims are at least twice the national average (Brüß, 2008; Pauly, 2013). Despite governmental attempts at integration, the Islamic community remains the subject of misrepresentation in the media in many places (Karlsen & Nazroo, 2013). Furthermore, there is little understanding of ethnic diversity in the Muslim faith, and people often associate all Muslims with Islamic fundamentalism and terror attacks (Brüß, 2008; Pauly, 2013). Similarly, and despite its foundational ideal of freedom of religion, the United States exhibits strong anti-Muslim sentiment (Council on American-Islamic Relations, 2018). Under the Trump regime, in 2017, changes were made to the federal government visa waiver programme to discriminate against those from Muslim countries, while hate crimes against the Islamic community reportedly rose 15 percent in 2017 (American Civil Liberties Union, 2018; Council on American-Islamic Relations, 2018).

Sexuality

Homosexuality has a long and complex history; it has existed across time, societies and cultures, and in some times and places, it has been accepted, while in other times and places, it has not (Valentine, 1993; D’Emilio & Freedman, 1997). It remains tightly bound with power relations, notions of gender identity and the social construction of sexual norms. For decades being gay was illegal in many countries, while heterosexuality was institutionalised in life (weddings, television, suburban family living) and in legislation (marriage, tax laws, welfare systems) (Valentine, 1993). This heteronormativity has resulted in stigmatisation and negative attitudes (including verbal and physical abuse) towards the LGBTQ (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer) community (Lyons et al., 2015). Decisions that may be straightforward for heterosexual singles, couples and families, such as where to rent or buy a home, are more difficult for others due to the heteronormativity of place and a perception of intolerance (Valentine, 1993).

Like other communities discussed here, the consequences of marginalisation are far-reaching – including higher rates of depression and anxiety – and are exacerbated by age. Research with older gay men has found a sense of invisibility and being devalued (akin to that of older straight women, discussed earlier) due to the youth-oriented culture of the gay community and report new forms of institutional discrimination as they find themselves needing aged-care and/or hospital services (Lyons, Pitts & Grierson, 2013). Indeed, an ex-manager of a residential aged-care facility notes from experience that ‘the rainbow [LGBTQ] community in Australia was, as it aged, subjected to a huge amount of discrimination … Many people found that to get access to aged-care services, they felt they had to go back into the closet’ (Harford, 2018: p. 30).

Gay rights around marriage and parenthood have been brought to the public’s attention by the media in many places, especially in the last decade. Some countries, such as Northern Ireland have introduced marriage-like frameworks (civil partnership legislation), although these offer fewer economic and legal benefits (Jowett & Peel, 2010). The Netherlands was the first country to legislate same-sex marriage in 2001, and in recent years gay marriage has been legalised in a number of other countries, including New Zealand (2013), the United Kingdom (2014), the United States (2015) and Australia (2017). There has also been an increasing visibility of gay lives in the media and popular television programmes, such as Modern Family (United States), Coronation Street (United Kingdom) and Neighbours (Australia) (Jowett & Peel, 2010; Goldberg, 2012). These changes indicate a widespread change in attitude since the 1970s (Lyons et al., 2015). One survey found that the percentage of Americans who believed gay relations were morally acceptable had risen from 40 percent in 2001 to 52 percent in 2010 – although this does not extend to their acceptance of same-sex couples adopting children (Goldberg, 2012), and marginalisation thus remains. Participants in Lyons et al.’s (2015: p. 2237) Australian study report that while society has become more ‘accepting’ of gay relationships, there is ‘still a lot to change’, and the level of acceptance is context specific – some industries and social situations are easier to be ‘out’ in than others.

Race/ethnicity

The issue of racial and ethnic marginalisation unfortunately needs no introduction. In many countries, indigenous and non-white people have been, and continue to be, marginalised in a number of ways. Racial inequality and exclusion persist, such that in the United States in 2014 African Americans were twice as likely to be unemployed as white Americans, more than twice as likely to be living in poverty (28 percent compared to 11 percent) and less likely to be university graduates (21 percent compared to 35 percent), and they faced a narrowed choice of housing areas due to unwelcoming (white) neighbourhoods (Mele & Adelman, 2015). Discrimination is also evident in the US criminal justice system, where African Americans and Native Americans are over-represented in criminal activity and experience the highest rates of victimisation (Walker, Spohn & Delone, 2012). Following atrocious treatment during the colonisation of Australia and pervasive ongoing racism (indigenous Australians were only granted citizenship in 1967), it is perhaps not surprising that health outcomes and life expectancies for indigenous Australians are poor, and unemployment rates are high (Brennan, 2011; Waterworth et al., 2015). Research from New Zealand shows media representations of indigenous and non-white people to often be narrowly stereotyped and negative, illustrating the power of the press to reinforce the marginalisation and exclusion of certain groups and communities from mainstream society (Allen & Bruce, 2017).

Marginalisation based on race and ethnicity is also evident in the education system, in both structural inequality and racial discrimination. In South Africa, despite the overturning of apartheid in the 1990s, structural inequality in the education system continues to discriminate against black youth, and the 52 percent dropout rate helps to perpetuate disadvantage (Chetty, 2014). The underachievement of black children from poor areas in South Africa is significant. A 2004 government report found that while 80 percent of children in former white schools were reading at the appropriate level for their age, just 4 percent of children in black schools achieved the same level of literacy (WCED, 2004). Furthermore, Chetty (2014: p. 99) reports that ‘black youth are being asked to learn in contexts of humiliation, betrayal, hunger and disrespect’. Research in the United States and Australia has found that children and adolescents from indigenous and ethnic minority (non-English) backgrounds report higher rates of racial discrimination than those from white majority backgrounds; consequences of this include poorer mental health; loneliness; low self-esteem; lower academic achievement; and more behavioural problems, such as aggression and substance abuse (Priest et al., 2014; Umaña-Taylor, 2016). Given the importance of childhood and adolescence for predicting future mental health outcomes over the life course, and the importance of educational achievement to overcoming inequality, these findings are deeply concerning (Chetty, 2014; Priest et al., 2014) and illustrate the serious long-term ramifications of marginalisation.

Racial marginalisation is also experienced in everyday situations, including access to simple leisure activities that many people take for granted. An article in The Guardian tells the stories of three African American hikers and the fears and ...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Half Title
• Series Page
• Title Page
• Copyright Page
• Dedication Page
• Table of Contents
• List of figures
• List of tables
• List of contributors
• 1 Understanding the nexus of marginalisation and events
• Part I Identity, cohesion, well-being and quality of life
• Part II Empowerment, resistance and transformation
• Part III Managing events at the margins of life, death and the universe
• Index