My Great Grandmotherās Great Grandmother was a slave.
(McIntosh, 2015, Scene 9)
As I sat watching this thought-provoking play called Dominoes I was struck by this powerful and heartfelt statement about the conflict that arises within a personās sense of who they are, and how this is often deeply rooted in oneās history. The lead character in the play is a mixed-race woman who goes way back into the past of her ancestors to explore some of the hidden aspects within her familyās story. What is revealed is a complex narrative that surrounds the history of the racial group she is a part of; this opens the door to a new way of embracing all facets of her sense of self.
Oppression is described as āthe exercise of authority or power in a burdensome, cruel, or unjust mannerā (dictionary.com). The history of enslaving people from Africa is beyond the scope of this chapter; however, it cannot be overlooked because this was a defining, traumatic turning point in black peopleās history of oppression, and fight for recognition, freedom, and equality. It is well documented that African people were forcibly taken into slavery because they were viewed as an inexpensive way to gain inexhaustible manpower (History.com). The behaviour of the British in slavery (Sherwood, 2007) is āmorally wrong or evilā (Cambridge online dictionary). These owners mistreated their slaves whilst putting in place systems of sexual and physical violence and psychological abuse, in addition to recompensing submission (History.com). This abuse of power maintained a system that set slaves apart from one another, leaving them helpless to fight against their captors (History.com). The aim behind such levels of cruelty was to make slaves into unresisting individuals so their masters could have complete authority over them by not treating them as human beings (Feblowitz, 2010). However, instead of breaking black peopleās spirit with the ālash, cane, raised handā or through hangings as described in āslave narrativesā, the captors failed (Feblowitz, 2010, p. 1) due to slavesā unwillingness to give in and their desire to be the master of their own life choices (Feblowitz, 2010).
In 1863 Lincoln delivered an āemancipation proclamationā, which meant that some areas within America, slaves were legally free; however, slavery was not āabolishedā until the 18 December 1865 (History.com). Before the British relinquished their laws supporting slavery, there was an uprising by slaves fighting for their freedom in the Caribbean. In the UK they eventually passed the āemancipation act in 1833ā (The National Archives). The government paid Ā£20,000,000ā (National Archives) to recompense slave owners for earnings they lost due to the passing of this law. Freedom was delayed by five years until 1838, and during that time in the British Caribbean āmasters continued to ill-treat and exploitā black people (National Archives). Figures from the Guardian available online (Smith, 2006) suggest that ā28 millionā black people were āsold into slaveryā [1450-19th century] and the UK profited greatly by delivering annually more than ā300,000ā black people to slave owners (Smith, 2006).
It took many more years for an American President to apologise for Americaās part in slavery. It is reported that President Clinton (CNN, 1997) did not feel that his country should ācompensateā African Americans for the harm that was caused, because it was such a long time ago when slavery occurred. However, he did address in an interview that something needed to happen to confront the consequences of slavery. He expressed in rather striking terms that the matter is incomplete and still resonates to this present day. Clinton explained, āI think it has to be dealt withā¦thereās still some unfinished business out there among black and white Americansā (CNN, 1997). Bennet (1998) wrote in an online article for the New York Times that whilst visiting Africa, President Clinton presented a carefully constructed apology, where his statement accepts that there is something erroneous about profiting from slavery:
Going back to the time before we were even a nation, European Americans received the fruits of the slave trade and we were wrong in that.
Tony Blair on behalf of the UK government expressed āā¦we are sorryā¦ā whilst emphasising that it should not be forgotten that slavery is āunacceptableā (BBC News, 2007). It can be argued that it is a significant undertaking when governments across the world denounce inhumane acts such as one group of people believing that they have the right to own another human being. Nevertheless, these speeches hardly make a difference when some of the systems that society and institutions are built on embody racist ideals that inevitably prolong the legacy of black oppression. This can make it difficult to move forward with full confidence of real change.
As the first black person to be the Chair [July 2016-6 July 2018] of the British Psychological Society, Division of Counselling Psychology (DCoP), I felt that the DCoP truly embraced the importance of diversity, and I was proud to serve for the benefit of the membership, moreover for all those who never thought there would ever be a black chair. Trying to highlight the inequalities that beset many people of colour can be tricky to explain when to some it may appear that black people do not face the same challenges as our forefathers who experienced slavery, fought for black civil rights in the 50s and 60s or against apartheid (1948-1994). On closer inspection and with an unbiased eye one can clearly see that āthe masters tools will never dismantle the masters houseā (Lorde, 2007, p. 110) and those who have power are often unwilling to change the structures that keep the power within the dominant group. A fellow counselling psychologist introduced me to this book written by the black feminist Audre Lorde. Her book gave me strength during a time when my role as a leader within a large well-known institution within my professional and voluntary roles was being challenged in unhelpful ways. I felt that it seemed hard for some individuals to respect and hear my voice. Lorde (2007, p. 110) postulates that āblack people have historically been stripped of their language and forms of expression and forced to communicate in the language of the oppressorā.
An examination of the research, commentary, and negative stereotyping of black people in the media, the black personās lived experience, and institutional racism within the police force, organisations and in psychiatry demonstrate very clearly the struggle black people often experience. Moreover, the incidents where black people are killed in communities show where power remains and that racial inequality is very much present today in all areas of society.
Cultural Oppression, prejudice and racism
This inequality is generally the result of a history of colonialism, genocide and oppression in which the material, intellectual, spiritual and emotional resources of one people are put in service of another through force, deception and disrespect for their ways.
(Bivens, 1995, p. 1)
Schiele (2005, p. 803) sees ācultural imperialism as cultural oppressionā, which is defined by Young (1990, p. 59) as a widespread distribution of āthe dominant groupās experience and culture as [being] the normā (cited in Schiele, 2005, p. 803). When the voice of the dominant group is valued more than other cultures, the consequence is that the voice of minority ethnic groups goes unrecognised (Schiele, 2005). Bivens describes (1995, p. 1) āracism as a system of oppression based on raceā¦ā and this comes about because of the āprivilegeā held by the dominant culture who have a disproportionate amount āā¦of systemic powerā¦ā (Bivens, 1995, p. 1). Carbone (2010, p. 1) suggests that there is a link between āpoverty and raceā that creates a divide because it places the āpowerā and entitlement in the hands of the racial group which has the most influence whilst treating others as insignificant based on their ārace and classā. The media highlighted the exposition which demonstrated that there is āracial inequality in the UKā between āethnic minorities and white peopleā. It is argued that it is important that those who are from the dominant culture consider that ābeing whiteā places them in the category of being superior to āthe detrimentā of those from minority groups (NASP, 2016, p. 1), if they choose not to use their power in ways that helps others.
It can be an important step in the right direction if individuals in seeing this failure to be tolerant and understanding, try instead to ābreak down the barriers of cultural ignorance and value judgementsā (McIntosh, 2017, p. 19). The difficulty lies at the heart of institutions and societal and political systems that are meant to protect the rights of all equally regardless of their racial background. Sadly, it often takes the tragic loss of yet another black person to uncover the depths of racism, prejudicial attitudes and bias that exist. For example, in the case of the public enquiry into the death of Stephen Laurence it highlighted the level of āinstitutional racismā within the Metropolitan Police (The Guardian, 1998), when it is meant to be a trustworthy organisation.
There are many incidences where stories of racism are depicted, and conversations are taking place, whether it be through movements like Black Lives Matter (blacklivesmatter.com), in communities, in politics, films, plays, on the internet, and within music. People are fighting for social justice, equality, and a fairer, safe society for all, where people are not judged on the colour of their skin or ethnic group. Black Lives Matter (Thrasher, 2015) has affected the way many black people have come together stronger in the face of adversity through converging and proving that black people are valuable members of society that deserve respect.
Unfortunately, the Equalities Act (Legislation.gov.uk, 2010) has not prevented ādiscriminationā and prejudice (Mcleod, 2013, p. 1). I remember one day trying to cross a busy road and as I stood there waiting for the light to change a car drove past and the person shouted the āNā word quite loudly at me. As I crossed the road I did not realise that this was a āmicro-assaultā (Sue et al., 2007, p. 278). I felt quite shocked that someone would go to all that trouble to offend someone they do not know. Looking back, I also recollect that a Caucasian colleague I worked with many years ago spoke honestly about his exp...