1 Speech and writing
On deconstruction
Someoneâs honest reaction to the idea of âdeconstructing the Talmudâ would probably be to ask himself what the Talmud and deconstruction each are. Only then would he care to know about the nature of their relationship. At first, the notion of âTalmudâ is more or less clear. The Talmud can be identified with a concrete objectâa set of large volumes written in Hebrew alphabet that are likely to occupy the bookshelves of scholars, educators, libraries, and so on. For the time being, one can accept the trivial, almost positivistic identification of the Talmud with a cultural objectâone would say: with its actual presenceâand be happy with the vague idea that it is an authoritative Jewish religious book. Only later will it emerge that the notion itself of âTalmudâ hardly overlaps with its physical presence on shelves, much less with its complex âhistoryâ in Jewish literature.1
One, two, or three Derridas?
Deconstruction originates from the assumption that language is no neutral means of communication but rather a complex structure that simultaneously shows and hides truth. Accordingly, philosophical investigation has the cultural, intellectual, and even metaphysical duty to expose this fundamental ambivalence, trying to resolve contradictions. In this respect, deconstruction resonates with some ordinary presuppositions of any other critical theory, especially with the claim for intellectual self-awareness. And yet deconstruction has many specific traits that distinguish it from any ordinary hermeneutics: a very peculiar style of writing, a highly complex way of expounding texts, and a very specific interest in Western metaphysics.
At first, deconstruction does not appear to qualify as a valid way to read a difficult text like the Talmudâthe most authoritative book in Judaism. Deconstruction relies on a series of presuppositionsâon the ambivalent nature of language, on the way of examining texts, and on the way of commenting on themâthat clash with the sober, logical, and often economical way of arguing that is typical of the Talmud. Besides, deconstruction is also very controversial, especially for many American philosophers, who barely suffer the way in which classical texts are analysed. Some of them even believe that deconstruction would be only a fashionable way of writing abstruse texts that no one can fully understandâultimately, a lesser by-product of German ontology. If all this is true, an important question arises: what is the advantage of using deconstruction to read the Talmud instead of any other kind of hermeneutics? In order to answer this difficult, yet important question, it is necessary to learn some fundamental principles of deconstruction and its understanding of the nature of text, and finally verify whether they offer a particular way of addressing a work like the Talmud.
Deconstruction is universally associated with the Jewish-French scholar Jacques Derrida (1930â2004), one of the most representative figures in post-war French philosophy. His work mostly consisted of developing a specific form of semiotic analysis that largely elaborated on Heideggerâs notion of âdestruction of metaphysicsâ (Destruktion der Metaphysik). It is questionable whether deconstruction is a coherent, solid philosophical sentiment or, rather, an umbrella term covering the long evolution of Derridaâs thought. Recent scholarship usually distinguishes between three important phases in Derridaâs thought: a post-phenomenological one, a bio-political one, and an ethical-political one.2
In his post-phenomenological phase (1960s to 1976), Derrida worked heavily on Husserlâs and Heideggerâs premises. He especially argued that Western philosophical and theological thought would constantly have attempted to claim for two contradictory, yet complementary assumptions: first, a purity of origin in speech should always be preserved in its written repetition in Holy Books; second, this alleged purity would always be threatened by being corrupted in its copying. With respect to this, deconstruction would more subtly have claimed that speech was âalways alreadyâ impure at its origin, âalways alreadyâ written, copied, and âalways alreadyâ iterated. These famous assumptions were dealt with in detail in a number of important works: Edmund Husserlâs Origin of Geometry (1962), Speech and Phenomena (1967), Of Grammatology (1967), Writing and Difference (1967), Dissemination (1972), and Margins of Philosophy (1972). These worksâsome of which were received only later in the English-speaking worldâprovided the foundations of deconstruction. They qualified the notion of âdeconstructionâ especially with respect to Heideggerâs notion of âdestructionâ (Destruktion), shifting the latterâs ontological premises into a more prominent textual orientation. In short, this first phase of Derridaâs thought manifested a clear preference for theory over ethical and political topics. While Foucault at the time was posing the basis for his âarchaeology of knowledge,â Derrida was still refraining from addressing the relationship between biological life and the political. There is the impression that Derrida was reluctant to thematize these topics, suggesting the dangerous implication that deconstruction was not interested in life and politics, history, and society, so that it would rather limit itself to hermeneutics.
The bio-political phase of Derridaâs thought (1976â1993) is a turning point in the evolution of deconstruction. Derrida emphasizes his already established interest for psychoanalysis and reinforces his confrontation with Foucaultâwhose Archaeology of Knowledge (1969) and especially his seminal Discipline and Punish (1975) were establishing a firm ground for historical-cultural investigations. Foucaultâs âarchaeological methodâ was implicitly used already in his works from the 1960sâespecially in Madness and Civilization (1960), The Birth of Clinic (1963), and The Order of Things (1966)âbut it was especially in the â70s that it emerged as a solid alternative to deconstruction. Foucaultâs âarchaeological methodâ especially argued that philosophical investigation should not focus on the (explicit) âstatementsâ of a discipline but rather on the (implicit) ârulesâ that govern their meaning. While contrasting the post-structuralist assumption that syntax and semantics make expression meaningful, Foucault rather argued that âdiscursive powerâ actually determines the process of signification. This emphasis on the concrete presence of power in philosophical discourse probably encouraged Derrida to progressively abandon his previous eminently post-phenomenological ground and to pay more attention to bio-political issues. Without implying that his previous post-phenomenological and ontological themes should be abandoned, Derrida began to treat Freudâs psychoanalysis in a more substantial way. In his The Post Card (1980) and PsychĂ© (1987), Derrida implicitly addressed Foucaultâs method, while arguing that âthe invention of truthâ and its âcommon rulesâ shall be subject to deconstruction, in consideration of âtwo competing meanings:â the idea that a discovery is an event occurring âa first timeâ and yet the expectation that âa technical apparatusâ can productively be invented and indefinitely reproduced.3 As a consequence, the notion itself of âdiscursive practiceâ should be deconstructed, addressing Foucaultâs naive implications that there is a body of autonomous, historical rules. Differently from that, Derrida rather argues that âin the absence of a center or origin, everything became discourse.â4
The last phase of Derridaâs thought (1993â2004) is usually acknowledged to be especially oriented to ethical-political issues. The publication of a series of worksâSpectres of Marx (1993), Politics of Friendship (1994), and Rouges (2004), in particularâclearly evidenced the emergence of Derridaâs interest in political issues. Some argued that Derrida was undergoing a sort of political turn that distinguished him at least from the recent reception of deconstruction in the Anglo-Saxon world as a sort of radical hermeneutics. He rather claimed for the extra-institutional nature of deconstruction and especially insisted that âthe thinking of the political has always been a thinking of diffĂ©rance and the thinking of the diffĂ©rance always a thinking of the political.â5 Again, this was not meant to be an easy, naive correlation. On the contrary, while advocating the mutual relationship between deconstruction and politics, Derrida argued for something more subtle than a generic philosophical commitment in the present. He rather suggested that there is a âdouble-bindâ associating deconstruction to political thought, as if deconstruction had a political nature and the political a deconstructive one.
The distinction between these three phases offers a comprehensive insight into the evolution of deconstruction from its original post-phenomenological premises to its latest developments. It clearly emerges that Derrida progressively abandoned his initial post-phenomenological orientation, prominent in his first works, for a more post-hermeneutical one, usual in his later works, and was influenced especially by other prominent figuresâthe literary theorist and critic Paul De Man, for instance, and the so-called âYale critics,â an American hermeneutical school. This survey cannot explain enough about deconstruction but still provides some essential coordinates to appreciate its historical complexity. More problematically, it also assumes that deconstruction was interrupted with Derridaâs premature death in 2004. This bio-bibliographical survey is probably useful for those unfamiliar with deconstruction and its origins. Nevertheless, it posits some problems for more advanced readers.
First of all, it tends to suggest that deconstruction would inexorably be associated with the person of Derrida in the strictest sense of the expression: deconstruction would be something personal. When assuming that Derrida would be the âfounderâ of deconstructionâwhatever this might mean in the present caseâ one would also imply that deconstruction is not a âmethod,â virtually transferable to other thinkers and other contexts, but rather a âstyle of writing.â Many detractors of deconstruction would insist on its lack of methodology, its obscurity in language, and idiosyncratic connection to Derrida. It was especially Habermas who associated deconstruction with a form of radical thought that contributes nothing to cultural criticism, and therefore is ultimately redundant. In his influential The Philosophical Discourse of Modernity (1985), Habermas deplored Derridaâs uncritical reception of Heidegger and the latterâs post-Romantic mysticism. Habermas assumed that deconstruction would ultimately result in a metaphysics of textualityâin the worst sense of the expression:
as a participant in the philosophical discourse of modernity, Derrida inherits the weaknesses of a critique of metaphysics that does not shake loose the intentions of first philosophy. Despite his transformed gestures, in the end he, too, promotes only a mystification of palpable social pathologies; he, too, disconnects essential (namely, deconstructive) thinking from scientific analysis; and he, too, lands at an empty, formula like a vowal of some indeterminable authority. It is, however, not the authority of a Being that has been distorted by beings, but the authority of a no longer holy scripture, of a scripture that is in exile, wandering about, estranged from its own meaning, a scripture that testamentarily documents the absence of the holy.6
This harsh critique of Derrida is quite ungenerous, although it raises a number of important issues that are particularly pertinent to the question of âdeconstructing the Talmud.â Even before revising Habermasâ argument, one might argue, quite naively, that deconstruction would be the perfect tool for reading a Jewish religious book, provided that it would no longer recognize any divine authority in it. This is indeed a crucial point that will be discussed below.
For the time being, one can simply record Habermasâ harsh criticism and evaluate its impact on a larger scale. Habermasâ rejection was also reinforced, yet in a lesser form, by Apel, who similarly deplored the lack of public dimension in Derridaâs thought.7 As a consequence, deconstruction was practically banned from the most important German publishers since the mid-1980s, impacting on its penetration in the German-speaking world. The later reconciliation of Habermas and Derrida at the turn of the century possibly manifested only their convergence on secondary mattersâtheir common disapproval of American foreign politics after 9/11âbut had little impact on the history of deconstruction in Germany. Although translations and re-publications of Derridaâs seminal works were eventually planned, this late reconciliation could only make it more blatant that deconstruction had lost its main battle in Germany. Deconstruction has never succeeded in being acknowledged in Germany as a positive transformation of Heideggerâs âdestruction of metaphysics.â Therefore, deconstruction could enter the public debate only from the service entranceâdiscussing only some aspects of contemporary politics and loosely assuming that philosophy would be a âsocial critiqueâ of its time.
Oddly enough, similar arguments were occasionally maintained also by those who intended to support deconstruction against its fierce criticism from German scholars. For instance, one can think of the American scholar Richard Rorty, who insisted on speaking of deconstruction as a sort of âliterary practice,â particularly resonating with many assumptions from American pragmatism. In his famous article âPhilosophy as a Kind of Writing: An Essay on Derridaâ (1978) but also in his later volume Contingency, Irony, and Solidarity (1989), Rorty argued that deconstruction succeeded in escaping from the stringencies of traditional philosophical discourse and fulfilling the need of âprivatized thinking:â
the later Derrida privatizes his philosophical thinking, and thereby breaks down the tension between ironism and theorizing. He simply drops theoryâ the attempt to see his predecessors steadily and wholeâin favor of fantasizing about those predecessors, playing with them, giving free rein to the trains of associations they produce. There is no moral to these fantasies, nor any p...