Feminist Interrogations of Women's Head Hair

Crown of Glory and Shame

Sigal Barak-Brandes, Amit Kama

• Publisher: Routledge
• Year: 2018
• ISBN:
  9780429999888
• Edition: 1
• Topic: Social Sciences
• Subtopic: Gender Studies
• Index: Social Sciences

Feminist scholarship has looked extensively at the perception of the body as a flexible construction of cultural and social dictates, but head hair has been often overlooked. Feminist Interrogations of Women's Head Hair brings new focus to this underrepresented topic through its intersections with contemporary socio-cultural contexts.

Scholars from a wide range of disciplines investigate private and public meanings associated with female head hair, problematising our assumptions about its role and implications in the 21st Century. Readers are invited to reflect on the use of hair in popular culture, such as children's television and pop album artwork, as well as in work by women artists. Studies examine the lived experiences of women from a range of backgrounds and histories, including curly-haired women in Israel, African American women, and lesbians in France. Other essays interrogate the connotations of women's head hair in relation to body image, religion, and aging.

Feminist Interrogations of Women's Head Hair brings together cultural discourses and the lived experiences of women, across time and place, to reveal the complex and ever-evolving significance of hair. It is an important contribution to the critical feminist thought in cultural studies, fashion studies, media studies, African American studies, queer theory, gerontology, psychology, and sociology.

Part I

Agency and resistance reified by women’s hair

1 Fiery gingers

Red-headed girls in children’s popular culture

Dafna Lemish, Diana Floegel, and Michal Lentz¹

Redheads comprise only an estimated 1 to 2 percent of the population (e.g., Barnes, 2013), yet they are quite popular and featured frequently in children’s media – including literature, television programs, movies, and video games. Indeed, a recent content analysis of children’s television programs broadcast in 24 countries around the world found that 17.9 percent of the girls and 8.8 percent of the boys on the screen were redheads (Götz & Lemish, 2012, p. 36). This phenomenon raises interesting questions regarding the way culture treats redheads – particularly, here, in regard to gender differences. Contextualized within gender representations in children’s television and films, this chapter presents an analysis of selected media exemplars of popular red-headed girl figures, in particular. Our aim in doing so is to explore the meaning of ‘gingers’ (i.e., a popular term used to describe persons with red hair as both a physical characteristic as well as a set of personality traits) in Western childhood cultures and what it can illuminate about the representation of gender more generally.

Gender representations in children’s media

The use of female stereotypes in children’s culture is a dominant, well-documented, and systematic phenomenon. Storybooks, movies, television programs, video games, and websites are populated with female characters who are presented, for the most part, as passive, emotional, and dependent; followers of male leaders (or rescued by them); preoccupied with their looks and relationships; and highly sexualized from a young age. Often, these characters are alienated from technology, science, and rational thinking; they also operate in groups rather than on their own. Production codes and conventions such as soft music, pastel colours, the use of a variety of pinks, gentle camera fades, and zooms signal to audiences that this text is a segregated female territory (Lemish, 2010).

Socialization to gender stereotypes starts at a very young age. For example, a content analysis of programs on BabyTV channel documented that gender stereotypes are prevalent even for the youngest of all audiences (Elias, Sulkin, & Lemish, 2017), and a cross-cultural study of images of gender in television programs for children around the world confirmed the ubiquity of this phenomenon (Götz & Lemish, 2012). However, one outstanding finding in this latter study was the prevalence of red-headed girls as leading characters in children’s screen content. Strikingly, the exceptional girl, the one allowed to be assertive, courageous, smart, rule-breaking, and not obsessed by her appearance – a ‘tomboy’ of sorts – is consistently a redhead.

Red hair as an identity

Rather than being addressed by their actual names, redheads are often addressed as ‘ginger’ by others in everyday life, marking them as a named social minority. Thus, ‘ginger’ connotes not only their red-orange hair colour, but also their socially constructed as well as learned and assumed identity characteristics.

Hair colour, as the biological basis of minority status, is actually a genetic mutation that also produces sensitive white skin, freckles, and over-sensitivity to pain (Rees & Flanagan, 1999; Valverde, Healy, Jackson, Rees, & Thody, 1995). Thus, the biological distinctiveness may contribute to the construction of redheads as a unique social group, often accompanied by negative cultural connotations associated with mutation, defect, sickness, and sensitivity.

Indeed, there is a rich history of gingers being perceived as a form of Other accompanied by stigmatization, discrimination, and persecution (Anderson, 2015; Colliss Harvey, 2015; Renner, 2011). For example, in ancient Egypt, gingers were buried alive as sacrifices to their gods. In the Middle Ages, gingers were associated with Satan because of their red hair, and ginger hair was considered to be a sign of beast-like sexual drive and moral degeneration. Thus, redheads were projected to be witches, werewolves, or vampires. Indeed, many red-head women, presumed to be witches, were burnt at stake during the witch hunts of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries (Monaghan, 2013).

Such discrimination continues into recent centuries as well as up to the present time. For example, many sperm banks around the world do not accept donations from redheads because of a lack of demand (Freeman, 2011). Online rumors claim that Hitler reportedly banned marriage of gingers to prevent the birth of ‘deviate’ offspring (e.g., Kelly, 2014). While we were not able to confirm this reliably, as historical documents have no trace of such a legal restriction at the time, it is interesting to note that such a rumor would develop associating redheads with racist discrimination.

Currently, gingers continue to be defined, socially and primarily, by their hair colour: They are stigmatized, bullied, discriminated against, and often a target of ridicule and abuse (Clayson & Maughan, 1986; Heckert & Best, 1997). This social phenomenon is so prevalent that it was termed ‘gingerism’ in news outlets and popular websites that discuss racist and prejudiced discrimination of redheads. Clearly, while the attitudes towards gingers have varied throughout history and cultures, they have been negative and discriminatory to a large degree.

There is a limited number of cultural representations of gingers as main protagonists in adult media. This evidence, too, reinforces their marginal place in society. When redheads do appear, they often reflect commonly held historical perceptions: They are treated as inferior as well as victims of ridicule and bullying. Occasionally they are also portrayed as aggressive and therefore frightening characters (e.g., vampires, wizards) (Anderson, 2015; Colliss Harvey, 2015). However, in all of these roles, gingers are defined as different and special, or treated as Other. Often the Otherness that is represented by adult media producers is expressed by a ‘hot’ and impatient temperament accompanied by an impertinent disposition, impulsiveness, rowdiness, mischievousness, and overall childish behavior (Manning, 2010; Weir & Fine-David, 1989).

The adult ‘ginger’ trope is clearly social, as associated stereotypes are divided and contradicted by the gender binary. Male gingers are mainly framed and portrayed negatively as unattractive, weak, wimpy, and nerdy. They are often represented to be of low self-esteem, rejected romantically, and are generally social failures. Occasionally they are portrayed as mean and abusive towards others. Ron Weasley, for example, is lauded for neither his looks nor his competence throughout most of the Harry Potter series. Female gingers, on the other hand, are juxtaposed with normative females, as they are perceived as strong, self-assured, and opinionated women. Like Jessica Rabbit (Who Framed Roger Rabbit) and Poison Ivy (Batman), adult female redheads are sexy, ‘hot’, and seductive (Climenhage, 2014; Roach, 2005; Weitz, 2004, p. 68).

This gender divide aligns with the sociology of hair, as numerous scholars found that this body substance carries clear gender polarization. For example, women and men differ in their colour preferences (e.g., men prefer blondes, women prefer dark hair); hair colours are differently stereotyped in men and women (e.g., the ‘dumb blonde’ female stereotype does not apply to men); and men and women differ in their attitudes towards body hair and maintain different grooming practices (Synnott, 1987). These differences fit well within the three propositions suggested by Synnott: Opposite sexes have opposite hair; head hair and body hair are opposite; and opposite ideologies have opposite hair (Synnott, 1987). Thus, regardless of gender, hair (including red hair) mediates between individuals and their culture, and is subject to various forms of cultural discipline and control (McMaster, 2002). Accordingly, our research, reported in part in this chapter, addressed the following questions: What are the representations of ginger girls found in Western childhood popular cultural texts? How do these representations relate to the wider social construction of gingers, on one hand, and femininity, on the other hand?

The study

We report here the integrative results of a qualitative analysis of the representations of 18 popular ginger girls who play prominent roles in children’s screen culture, mainly television and film. The characters were selected based on the popularity of content circulating globally, as documented systematically in an earlier study (Götz & Lemish, 2012), as well as more recent additional information gathered non-systematically by the authors. A comparison between the popular lists compiled in two different countries (US and Israel) allowed for a consensus form of qualitative reliability. The overall list of redheads in children’s popular culture was much larger than that analyzed for the purpose of this chapter. Consistent with guidelines for qualitative research, we ended our case-analyses when we concluded that the investigation reached a saturation point, such that analysis of additional characters did not add much to our findings.

Our investigation of each selected character included: viewing original program episodes or the entire movie; examining online sites identified through use of search engines, such as YouTube videos, texts, images, interviews with creators, and news clippings; and review of the original books, for programs and films based on a literary text.

The thematic analysis of the media productions included in our research corpus focused on the following categories: (1) characters’ appearance (e.g., body features and posture, facial expressions, hairstyle, dress, and accessories); (2) role in the script (e.g., Are they loners or in groups? Are they driving the narrative or being led by others?); (3) personality and behavior characteristics consistent with stereotypes presented previously (e.g., stereotypical female activity: passivity, emotionality, dependence; stereotypical masculine activity: aggression, rationality). A profile was created for each character that included a summary of her empirical base for each of these three categories. Each file also included a representative selection of images of the character for purposes of close analysis and illustration.

The second stage of analysis integrated the main themes emerging out of the individual character analyses. These themes cut across most characters and included many of the most commonly recognized ‘signs’ employed in the presentation of redheads. These were compared against the backdrop of gender stereotypes in children’s television established in the literature. The following is an integrative summary, by theme, of our findings.

Representations of red-headed girls: thematic analysis

The characters in our sample of red-headed girls in children’s media share a number of traits that, historically, span decades of media production, dating back to the mid-twentieth century and continuing to the present in movies or television. They stand out in their centrality to the plot: They are colourful characters who steer the narrative and often also stir trouble rather than act as mere bystanders or background characters. They are independent, free, happy, strong, opinionated, feisty rule breakers. Their commonalities include both progressive and traditional physical and behavioral traits that serve to make red-headed girls exceptional figures within conventional narratives.

Overall, ginger girls deviate from stereotypical feminine personality qualities. Indeed, in many cases they are posed to represent a non-feminine, outdoor-type ‘tomboy’ girl in terms of behavior and appearance. Further, media producers lodge in these characters bodily freedoms and facial expressiveness such as fearless, defiant postures; frowns and expressions of anger; uncontrolled laughter; enjoyment of food; running wild; or parting their legs when climbing a tree. In so doing, ginger girls generally disregard barriers society imposes on females to restrict their presence in the public sphere, as well as the general expectation that females should restrain themselves and repress aggressive, rebellious, or sexual drives (Shifman & Lemish, 2010). Ginny Weasley (Harry Potter, UK, books and movies, 2001–2011), Jane (Jane and the Dragon, New Zealand-Canada, TV series, 2006), Jessie (Toy Story, US, Disney films, 1999, 2010), Kim (Kim Possible, US, Disney TV series, 2002–2017), Merida (Brave, US, Disney movie, 2012), My (The Moomins, Finland, book series and multiple TV and film versions, 1959–2014), Red Zora (Red Zora and her Gang, Germany, books, TV series 1978, and film 2008), and many other characters demonstrate such free and independent postures and behaviors in stark opposition to the vulnerable and fragile normative feminine framing.

Screen ginger characters also tend to deviate from societal expectations of women’s physical appearances through their wardrobes. The degree to which each character differs from normative depictions of feminine dress often depends on their surrounding context. Thus, while Merida (Brave), for example, wears a gown characteristic of formal attire in tenth-century Scotland, most of the studied characters prefer less typically feminine clothing that makes them stand out in comparison to the other female characters in their environment. Further, in doing so, they are posed in a manner that does not seem to be concerned with their appearance and grooming. They also engage in physical activities and games considered by society to be unfeminine. Indeed, they often demonstrate rude and ‘unladylike’ behaviors. For example: Ginger’s (As Told by Ginger, US, Nickelodeon TV series, 2000–2004) most frequent outfit is a yellow t-shirt, baggy jeans, and sneakers. Similarly, Tracey McBean’s typical outfit consists of purple pants, a white t-shirt, and flat shoes (Tracey McBean, Australia, TV series 2001–2005), though her glasses are her most prominent and steadfast feature. Pippi Longstocking’s dress (Pippi Longstocking, Sweden-Germany books, films, and TV series, 1969, 1988) is visibly tattered and dirty, and her patch-laden blouse and tights do not match. Kim Possible’s crime-fighting garb includes long green cargo pants, a black turtleneck, black gloves, and black flat shoes, as well as a utility belt with a number of gadgets. And, in contrast to other famous Wild West female characters (e.g., popularized versions of Annie Oakley) who wear impractical dresses and skirts, Jessie (Toy Story) is a cowgirl with a conservative button-down shirt, utility belt, blue jeans with cow-skin chaps, and boots. Thus, with their unusual dress styles, redheads’ seemingly deviant clothing choices transmit a message of their being youthfully unaware of gendered clothing expectations: They prefer a modern-day ‘tomboy’ appearance and their actions demonstrate unwillingness to conform to societal feminine mandates for constrictive clothing. In fact, interactions between these opposing ‘choices’ often serve as an important component of...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Title
• Copyright
• Contents
• List of contributors
• Introduction: Why hair? Why women?
• Part I Agency and resistance reified by women’s hair
• Part II Women’s hair as a marker of identity
• Part III Women’s hair in a consumerist age
• Index