Project
In this first chapter, I begin to explore co-incidence or distance between practice theories and philosophical hermeneutics. Both argue for understanding-in-practicesâor practical habituated unreflected upon understanding howâevident in our everyday âcopingâ behaviour as fundamental. Propositional understanding that something is the caseâor reflectionâis secondary. I trace a threefold narrative of âmomentsâ characterising practical understanding, following its theorising through hermeneutics (Husserl to Heidegger, Gadamer to Ricoeur), seeing it finally flourish as generically configured action, embodied and equipped, embedded within habituated horizons of understanding. Tacit horizons of focussed behaviour or practical understanding (such as concern for human dignity in caring) are often distant cognitive frameworks of involvement, far from the attention of an actor. As such, they are an eminently suitable subject for research from health psychology to marketing. In this chapter, I commence constructing a hermeneutic perspective on social practices from âmakingâ meaning while watching television to our purchasing everyday products in the local supermarket.
Considered from a hermeneutic perspective, our human understanding is fundamentally or âprimordiallyâ exemplified by using equipment, in the philosopher Heideggerâs example, a hammer. We can be said to âunderstandâ its usage. Visibly incorporated in habituated, hence âready-to-handâ, behaviour as an embodied narrative belonging to an accustomed generic goal-directed practice, our understanding implicitly or tacitly anticipates and actualises an activity subject to a public standard of achievement. In practices, attention is upon aim or goal rather than embodiment or equipment.
Our engagement with entities ready-to-hand does not involve explicit awareness of their properties; instead, we âsee throughâ them to the task we are engaged in. When we are smoothly driving in nails with a hammer, our focus is on the thing we are building not the size or shape or colour of the hammer.
(Dotov et al., 2010)
Such habitual, little reflected on, âskilled copingâ (ibid.) in material circumstances involves our knowing or understanding how to act appropriately. This embodied perception of surroundings precedes secondary reflective propositional knowing that. âPerformativeâ knowing is distinct from âdeclarativeâ asserting (Brown and Duguid, 2001: 199). So, for instance, a female Chinese frequent mall visitor told us in a research focus group: âBasically, I expect good security from the mallâ. Her statement can be interpreted hermeneutically as referring to material/metaphorical âhorizons of understandingâ (Gadamer, 1975) from which she enters this shopping mall, supporting her forward âprojectingâ (ibid.) there of âgood securityâ from an enabling equipped âsocial toolâ (Burchell, 2017). Her embodied understanding of the mall as secure is evident not in concurrent propositional assertion but rather as projected by her habitual mode of walking, thus visible in her behaviour (e.g. how she carries valuables, displaying a tacit view of the place as equipped to deter âsnatch thievesâ). âWhatever they are calledâpractical understanding, habitus, tacit knowledge, skills, competencesâcapabilities are embodied through practices.â (Wallenborn and Wilhite, 2014: 60) Visual evidence of affective intentionality (understanding) (e.g. finding a mall secure) can be constituted behaviourally. Embodying assumptions formed through repetition, a horizon of understanding informs actionâor as Bourdieu, similarly, writes, âembodiment is the creation of a memory by repetitionâ (1977: 59).
Importantly, truth conditions for this embodied public narrative of projecting and producing participatory activity need not include (indeed may be taken to exclude) her thinking about security when in the mall. Rather, the evidence is âembodiment in publicly accessible activityâ (Rouse, 2006: 504). While not reflected upon during this practice, a subsequent occasion of research allows her to speak about her expectation, integrated with mall events in a âhermeneutic circleâ (Gadamer, 1975) of her behavioural âassemblageâ (Canniford and Shankar, 2013), conjoining meaning and material. Albeit mundanely instantiated here in a mall, understanding âconstitutes the basic being-in-motion (Bewegtheit, movedness) of the existing human being (Dasein)â (Gadamer, 2006: 39).
As Davey writes, unpacking the qualities of âunquiet understandingâ, âthe notion of practice is central to how we understand ourselves as hermeneutic subjectsâ (2006: 55)ânot least in a focus group. Here Heideggerâs hermeneutics moves our understanding of âunderstandingâ from replicating subjectivity (Dilthey) to projecting and producing public meaning in a behavioural narrative. What then is the âprimordialâ structure of âbeing thereâ in everyday living as understanding-in-practices? How do our wider âvalue-laden horizons of (generic) expectationsâ (Livingstone, 2012: 189) (such as âgood securityâ in a mall) (in)form or shape more specifically occupied âorientationsâ (Morley, 1992: 50) in understanding particular practices (e.g. purchasing products) we appropriateâor are alienated fromâin daily living? How is their embodied ideational relationship evident?
Understanding-in-Practices: Presuming, Projecting and Producing Behavioural Narrative
Practices produce narrative incorporated in behaviour. From supermarket apple selection to seriously watching sports, we actualise a meaningful story. Bodies display a purpose. We are always already immersed in projecting understanding of our circumstancesâimplicitly future orientated. I see a suitcaseânot (empiricist) sense-data. Albeit distracted by more immediate itemsâat the âback of our mindsâ we visibly coordinate our conduct during repeated visits to a shopping mall or social media site, thus constituting meaning from a âhorizon of understandingâ (Gadamer, 1975) the world that can subsequently be âvoiced outâ. Behaving thereby tacitly aims at intelligibility, shaping âlife-narrativesâ (Gaviria and Bluemelhuber, 2010: 127). A sequence of action belongs to a cultural âform of lifeâ (Wittgenstein, 1991), referenced in subsequent reflecting. âForms of lifeâ are visibly evident behaviourally, conceptualisation woven into an activity, ideationally imbricated in the landscapes of our everyday doing, supporting our realised tacit expectation shaped within background boundaries, the âhorizons of understandingâ mapped in hermeneutic philosophy of practices.
Cultural memory is incorporated in behavioural movement. On a horizon of understanding, the âsediment of past experiencesâ is âconvertedâ into âdispositions for future actionsâ (Wallenborn and Wilhite, 2014: 58). Our making sense (viewing or visiting) involves our presuming, projecting and producing a story in our intelligible behaviour, aligning and alienating us from others, or simply generating apathy. Thus understanding (in)forms life. Behaviour projects narrative meaning from an interpretation of oneâs situation evident in activity where entity as equipment is perceived not as object but rather as enabling (or disabling). So in short, âeverything (people) touch and do is infused with the underlying order that gives them their expectations of the world (âŚ) characteristic of their particular societyâ (Miller, 2008: 287). Generic expectation accommodates/is amended by event.
By means of the lived body human agents possess knowledge about how to cope with what is at hand that neither presupposes conscious representation nor a representation in propositional terms but is âknowledge in the handsâ (Merleau-Ponty, 1962: 144).
(Gartner, 2013: 342)
Hermeneutics asserts our fundamental understanding of entities as âequipmentâ answering to our immediate interpretive interests (fruit with âno flawsâ) from wider reflective concerns (health)âthe âmeaningful presence of something to someone in terms of that personâs concerns and interestsâ:
thus âwe alone have the ability to make sense of things, and we do so by connecting a possibility of something we encounter with a possibility or need of ourselves: we take what we meet in terms of its relation to our everyday concerns and goalsâ.
(Sheehan, 2014: 256â257)
Understanding is then the tacit teleological way we manage practices, forming habituated activity aiming at implicit goals, locatable as a âlevel of competence or performance prior to (âŚ) verbal articulationâ (Rouse, 2006: 515). âInterpretingâ, on the other hand, as during a research focus group, takes for its theme such pre-reflective understanding, now presented reflectively as informed by âhorizons of understandingâ (Gadamer, 1975) shaping practice. âBasically, I expect good security from the mallâ, as our participant interpreted shopping site, understanding seen behaviourally. Here her thought is âa derivative aspect of the overall intentionality that we exhibit as we actively engage with the world around usâ (Larkin et al., 2006: 106 emphasis in original), a future-oriented concern.
Peopleâs habituated âcapacity to encounter objects as ready-to-hand involves grasping them in relation to (their) own possibilities-for-beingâ (Mulhall, 2005: 77). Such tacit âprojectionâ is the
core of what Heidegger means by âunderstandingâ. But any such projection both presupposes and constitutes a comprehending grasp of the world within which the projection must take place (ibid.: 81). (Halting understanding when issues arise or in research discussion) we engage in what Heidegger characterises as âinterpretationâ, and the structures of our everyday comprehending engagement with these objects thereby become our explicit concern (ibid.: 84).
Hermeneutic theory of practicesâinitiated by Heidegger (following Husserl), then shaped socio-politically by Gadamer and Ricoeurâprovides accounts of ubiquitous human understanding incorporated in everyday activity. Heideggerâs thesis of understandingâs temporal dimension, with its consecutive âmomentsâ of âfore-havingâ resources, âfore-seeingâ possibility and actualising âfore-conceptionsâ links the first phenomenologist with later hermeneutic writers. All rejected empiricist theorising of perception as immediately seeing (unmediated) âsense-dataâ. While Heidegger can be considered to have replaced the Cartesian dualism (separation of mind and body) which he attacked with a subsequent dualism (between ready-to-hand habituated behaviour and reflection), historically his inclusion as initiating a history of hermeneutic ideas rein-voked as practice theory is inescapable. His narrative of embodied human understanding as ubiquitous holds despite recent evidence of his unacceptable political turn to fascism and anti-Semitism in Hitlerâs Germany (Hadjioannou, 2017).
For Heidegger, interpretive or hermeneutical understanding was not the province of specialised human disciplines (nor of a transcendentally construed phenomenology) but rather a constitutive feature of every human being inserted both in the world and in the movement of temporality.
(Dallmayr, 2009: 26)
So how should we consider, consent to or criticise as well as position theoretically mundane practices of always already making meaning, embodied/embedded/emplaced/evident in watching television, using the Internet or walking around our shopping mall but rarely reflected upon while we engage in such activity? More exotically, we can philosophically reflect how, âin conceptualising high-speed motorcycling as a practice, we are concerned with the interconnections between material technologies, ways of understanding, forms of bodily action and meaningsâ (Murphy, 2015: 3).
How are our dispersed horizons of understanding not only vocally, but visibly incorporated in behaviour shaped politically or structured by a distant âpower and dominationâ (Grossberg, 1984: 399)? What can consumer researchers learn about practices as habituated modes of understanding (and identity construction) when presented by a participant in marketing or media, psychology and sociology focus groups? âMature social agency is habitual through and throughâ (Crossley, 2001: 95). How does ready-to-hand unreflective behaviour reproduce challengeable assumptions?
Letâs say, a simple one: apples. Maybe the apples look the same to the guys (laughter). No offence. But, we, we, we pick the apple that looks nicer with no flaws âŚ. Like this apple looks fresher. Something like this. Normally, they would say, âitâs just the same. Just grab and go.â
(Female, Chinese student mall visitor addressing a focus group)
Here a research participant reflects upon a past purchase. Uncertainty over a precise account (âsomething like thisâ) suggests she is making explicit a practice lacking concurrent reflectionâher immersing in implicitly anticipatory custom, generic behaviour involving habituated, ready-to-hand bodily movement, to which there is normally no need to attend, let alone reflect on wider horizonal considerations. (In Chapter 4 on psychology, we hear from a research participant lamenting pain as signalling a failure of bodily âequipmentâ.)
Hearing this account, we learn of a tacit fore-structured understanding-in-practice, assuming, anticipating and actualising a shared narrative. So assuming âweâ will (fore-)have apples from which to choose, this participant presumes without reflecting or fore-sees typical characteristics requiring attention. The fruit will not all âlook the sameâ: there will be some that âlook nicer with no flawsâ or âfresherâ, so indicating enhanced ability to function as a nutritional tool (Zeug). Visibly exercising a choice shaped by this concerned fore-conception, its behavioural inclusion means she will not âjust grab and goâ but rather act, emplacing (albeit unreflectively) a horizon of affective caring.
Moreover, this fore-understanding, partially constituting the horizon of understanding from which she enters the shopping mall, is emphasised as gendered. âMaybe the apples look the same to the guys.â Embedded in her behavioural being-with-others, this speculative purchase on a shareable positioning informs her selective behaviour as a way of looking at entitiesâher perspective legible as attending to presenting âfresherâ apples for selection, but only reflected upon in the focus group. Exercising a habituated expertise, her attention will be on the apples, not on her bodily activity. Her practice is distinct from (say) the accomplished pianist who attends to their finger movements with the aim of expressive playing where âthe playing is continually responsive to (their) thought about the piece, (their) decisions to speed up or slow down, and the likeâ (Annas, 2012). Here, the piano playing is clearly embodied and instrumentally enabled, âfinger-focussedâ generic activity with its specific qualities emerging (in)formed by an affective positioned understanding of the âpieceâ.
Many of our mall visitorâs other regular activities (such as her slipping on shoes) are likely to be ready-to-hand, requiring lesser attention, if also incorporating assumptions about equipment or environment. Similarly among the âguysâ for whom selectively picking fruit seems unnecessary when their differing expectations are confirmed by experience, âitâs just the same. Just grab and goâ. Only if apples were found to be indubitably âfreshâ, âwith no flawsâ or unavoidably visibly âflawedâ would habituated and tacit anticipation require attention, revisingâor expectation be presented-at-hand. Here there is an account of perceiving as a cultural practice far from seeing empiricist âsense-dataâ, embodied narrative emplacing a horizon of gendered alignment: âweâ are apart from âguysâ. Our Chinese shopper positions her apple purchasing as a âgendered practiceâ (Martin, 2003).
Italicised terms are taken from the early Heideggerâs Being and Time (1962), an initiating if problematic treatise on philosophical hermeneutics. They show how an everyday, habitual activity or a practice embodies âconstitutive elementsâ, âmaterials, meanings and competencesâ (Shove et al., 2012: 13, 15). Engaging with hermeneutics as a philosophical analysis of activity, so articulating a perspective on practices as assembling meaning, the following pages consider behavioural narrative from audiences watching television and mall visitors to participants in health psychology research.
A Dasein (being-in-the-world) is defined by its intentionality and the various practical projects that it engages in, from hammering a nail to posting a photo online, and these activities transform the entities into equipment (Zeug).
(Halpin and Monnin, 2016)
Heidegger positioned generic âunderstandingâ as embodied and primarily practical. This account is directed at Descartesâ dualism, the separating of mental and physical activity or positing a human âghost in the machineâ (Ryle, 1949) as a âbasic misconceptionâ (Ricoeur, 1974: 223) in philosophy.
Heidegger had to struggle against this (conceptual) picture to recover an understanding of the agent as engaged, as embedded in a culture, a form of life, a âworldâ of involvements, ultimately ...