Uyghur Conceptions of Family and Society

Habits of the Uyghur Heart

Xiaowei Zang

• Publisher: Routledge
• Year: 2017
• ISBN:
  9781351839013
• Edition: 1
• Topic: Social Sciences
• Subtopic: Anthropology
• Index: Social Sciences

Contributing to existing literature on ethnic studies in China, this book is a study of minority subjective experiences in China, using Uyghur Muslims as a case study. By examining Uyghur conceptions of family and society, it investigates whether or not ethnic minorities are culturally capable of understanding and internalizing global norms on equality, community, citizenship, trust, justice and wellbeing. Specifically, it empirically examines Uyghur perceptions of issues such as spousal relations, parenting, community engagement and life satisfaction. Using data gathered from fieldwork in Ürümchi, the author is able to show that there is in fact a high degree of Uyghur conformity to global norms on family and society. In the contemporary context of an Islamic revival and a recent resurgence of Uyghur nationalism, the evidence presented in this book is particularly important to the understanding of the Uyghur ethnic group and other minorities in the region.

Whilst making a valuable contribution to the fields of anthropology and sociology, this book will be useful for students of Chinese studies, Religious studies, Ethnic studies and Social Psychology.

1
Habits of the Uyghur heart

In recent years, Uyghur Muslims in Xinjiang have attracted a great deal of attention from the international media because of Islamic revival and the resurgence of Uyghur nationalism,¹ repeated Uyghur attacks on Han civilians and police in Xinjiang and China proper,² alleged Uyghur affiliations with Taliban and al-Qaeda in Afghanistan and Pakistan,³ and the reports of Uyghur Jihad fighters joining the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant.⁴ Are Uyghurs a backward people who grow religious extremists? Do they live in the same world as everyone else?

This question is not unfamiliar to students of ethnic minorities in the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Their studies have resulted in an influential literature on internal orientalism to discuss how the Chinese state constructed and represented ethnic minorities as exotic, feminized, sensual, primitive, and backward “others.”⁵ Much of the analysis in this literature has focused on exoticism, femaleness, and sensuality in minority representations in the PRC.⁶ Readers cannot help but wonder whether ethnic minorities are primitive and “backward” while reading this large literature. In this book, I study Uyghur worldviews to interrogate the image of backward ethnic others in the PRC. I show that Uyghurs are not out of time or untouched by globalization. They are as civilized and cosmopolitan as everyone else. For convenience, I use the terms “Uyghur minds” and “Uyghur worldviews” interchangeably in this book.

Backwardness vs. global norms on family and society

How do I study whether Uyghur are a backward or a civilized people? According to some China scholars, backwardness refers to the mentalities allegedly retained from the pre-modern era, imbued with outdated values such as hierarchy, conservatism, skepticism, tribalism, pessimism, and the like. It is equivalent to primitiveness and incivility and opposite to modernity and civility, which are characterized by progress, cosmopolitanism, autonomy, equality, community, optimism, and the like.⁷ These are abstract terms. I use concrete issues to assess levels of backwardness or civility among Uyghurs in this book: I examine the degrees of spousal equality and marital harmony (Chapter 2), modern parenting values and practices that encourage children’s tolerance, creativity, and independence (Chapter 3), trust in the general public and public institutions that are part of social capital (Chapter 4), community engagement that reflects communal spirit and civic-mindedness (Chapter 5), economic communitarianism that advocates social justice and fairness (Chapter 6), and autonomy and optimism that are related to self-esteem, confidence, and life satisfaction (Chapter 7). Based on the above discussion on backwardness, I argue that Uyghurs are unlikely to be committed to these global standards if they are a backward people, and vice versa. I could examine more issues, but there is a limit on how much I can write for a monograph.

I discuss how I conceptualize and operationalize these standards in relevant chapters in this book. I call these standards “the moral codes of conduct for the twenty-first century,” “the norms of contemporary civilization,” “the global norms of family and society,” or “civility” in this book because people in all parts of the world today support and enjoy conjugality, equality, tolerance, creativity, independence, community, citizenship, fairness, autonomy, etc. These global norms are in sharp contrast to the outdated values. I also call them “modern values” from time to time, while recognizing that some of them are considered post-modern values.⁸ These global standards are not so-called Western values because they are not unique to the West. Nor are they the neoliberal values that emphasize enterprise, competition, career, achievement, success, leisure, consumption, etc.⁹

Two contrasting images of the Uyghur other in Ürümchi

These global standards have not been used to assess whether ethnic minorities in China are primitive, uncultured peoples, however. The Chinese state takes minority backwardness for granted. It claims that Han Chinese represent advanced civilization and the future direction for human progress because they are more educated and thus more “modern” and cultured than ethnic minorities.¹⁰ Kaltman reported that some people he met in China had regarded Uyghurs as “a fierce, primitive, and criminally minded people” and that Uyghurs were seen in China as thieves and drug pushers.¹¹

Few Uyhgurs were receptive to the assertion of Uyghur primitiveness and backwardness. Most were proud of who they were and had a lot of good things to say about Uyghur culture. Informant 62, a 50-year-old Uyghur housewife, said that “Uyghurs are warm, friendly, helpful, and hygienic.” Informant 65, a 39-year-old Uyghur housewife, concurred: “We are hospitable, kind-hearted, and always ready to lend a hand to other people, and we cook gourmet food. Our food is civilized and tasty.” Informant 11, a 42-year-old Uyghur female street vendor, claimed that Uyghurs attach as much importance to family ties as Han Chinese. “Also, we are eager to learn new ideas, are hygienic and smart, and are faster learners. Moreover, we are amiable, straight, ethical, upright by nature, and welcoming.”

Uyghur men in Ürümchi had similar feelings of ethnic pride. Informant 34, a 48-year-old Uyghur male street vendor, said: “Uyghurs are a good-natured and nice people. We are fearless, side with the weak and poor, and dare to fight against injustice.” Informant 38, a 63-year-old Uyghur male retired bus driver, claimed that every Uyghur had a kind heart and liked to help others. “We welcome guests and offer the best food, shelter, and clothes to them.” Informant 15, a 69-year-old retired Uyghur male worker in a food processing firm, added: “Uyghurs uphold the highest possible level of morality and filial piety. My daughters behave and have good table manners. They respect me so much that they never speak loudly or wear makeup at home. My sons respect me so much that they never smoke when I am around.”

Uyghur community leaders and intellectuals raised their voice about Uyghur civilization recently. In June 2014, some 200 Uyghur poets, writers, and literary critics delivered an open letter to the Uyghur nation, asserting that the glory of Uyghur civilization would not be smeared by Uyghur terrorists: “We have the responsibility to lead our nation to higher stages of civilization.”¹² They were followed by 354 prominent Uyghur businessmen, who presented a similar open letter in July 2014 to highlight Uyghur contributions to the Silk Road trade and intercultural exchange between China and the rest of the world in the pre-modern era: “Uyghurs created one of the greatest civilizations in ancient times and are undoubtedly a civilized people. We are well known for our love for knowledge, kind-heartedness, and hospitality. Uyghurs are not terrorists and the Uyghur nation will not slide into darkness just because of a few terrorists.”¹³

Why is the image of the ethnic other negative?

The Uyghur narratives about their civility are in sharp contrast to the above perception about minority backwardness in China. Why is the image of Uyghurs negative? The answer to this question must be sought within a larger social context because in general, the ethnic other in China is negative. Some scholars have argued that the Chinese state wants to establish an image of an advanced and civilized Han people to govern ethnic minorities, i.e. the Chinese state has the need to manufacture different ethnic identities.¹⁴ Identity refers to who we think we are and what we believe, and as such it is “a process located at the core of the individual and yet also at the core of his communal culture.”¹⁵ Identity formation cannot occur independently of others: “[O]ne cannot define a self without having an other with which to reflect the self.”¹⁶ Others are vital for the process of self-identification, and the process is termed “othering.” At the individual level, you define “where you belong through a contrast with other places, or who you are through a contrast with other people.”¹⁷ At the group level, “nationality is a relational term whose identity derives from its inherence in a system of differences,”¹⁸ so much so that groups “define themselves in relation to others.”¹⁹

Edward Said makes a major contribution to the conceptualization of othering. He draws on Foucault to conceive of Orientalism as “an accepted grid for filtering the Orient into Western consciousness”²⁰ and defines it as a hegemonic discourse of the “Western style for dominating, restructuring, and having authority over the Orient.”²¹ Bryce similarly points out that Orientalism is “not simply a strategy ...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Title
• Copyright
• Contents
• List of tables
• Acknowledgements
• 1 Habits of the Uyghur heart
• 2 Spousal relations
• 3 Parenting
• 4 Trust
• 5 Community engagement
• 6 Economic beliefs
• 7 Mastery: sense of control and life satisfaction
• 8 Inside Uyghur minds
• Bibliography
• Index