1 The Nagas
A segmentary society
The term âNagaâ is used to refer to the people group, numbering about two million,1 presently residing in the four Indian states of Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Manipur and Nagaland, and Sagaing and Kachin states of Myanmar. It consists of a conglomeration of about forty tribes, each speaking different languages, but bound together by similar culture and geographical location.2 Each of these tribes maintains a strong sense of autonomy and distinctiveness from the other Naga tribes, though when taken in relation to other people groups, they all subscribe to the collective Naga identity. Collective identity3 refers to a shared sense of âonenessâ or âwe-nessâ shared by a group, usually in contrast to a set of âothersâ.4 This sense of âwe-nessâ enables âthe possibility of collective action in pursuit of common interestsâ.5 However, in societies where sub-groups exist, there is the possibility that conflicts could arise between the sub-groups, leading to fragmentation and the creation of âweâ and âtheyâ within.6 A sense of âwe-nessâ characterises the relationship between the various Naga sub-tribes (sub-groups) as they ordinarily relate with each other in the wider society. However, fragmentation and conflicts exist underneath this surface level sense of âwe-nessâ across the various Naga sub-tribes. Thus, Naga society consists of a number ofsegments within the larger whole, united at one level, yet divided at another level. This description aptly characterizes a âsegmentary societyâ.
1 As per details from Census of India 2011, Nagaland has population of 19.79 Lakhs (i.e., 1.979 million). âCensus of India 2011â.
2 Nagaland Board of School Education, Nagaland, third edn (Kohima: NBSE, 1994, 2007), 1.
3 The term âIdentityâ can be examined at three levels: personal, social and collective. First, personal identity relates âto oneâs individual perception of oneselfâ. Second, social identity relates to âoneâs individual identity based on group membershipâ. Jenny McGill, Religious Identity and Cultural Negotiation: Toward a Theology of Christian Identity in Migration (Eugene, Oregon: Pickwick Publications, 2016), 17. Third, collective identity relates to a groupâs identification of oneness or we-ness. In this study, unless indicated otherwise, the term âidentityâ is used in the third sense, that is, collective identity.
4 D Snow, âCollective Identity and Expressive Formsâ (2001) UC Irvine: Center for the Study of Democracyhttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/2zn1t7b (Accessed on 18 April 2019).
5 Snow, âCollective Identity and Expressive Formsâ.
6 Patrick G Coy and Lynne M Woehrle (eds), Social Conflicts and Collective Identity (Lanham, Maryland: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers, 2000), 5.
The term âsegmentary societyâ was coined by French sociologist, Emile Durkheim in his seminal workThe Division of Labour in Society, in which he discussed the evolution of society from a state of âmechanical solidarityâ to âorganic solidarityâ. While the former refers to traditional societies where there is homogeneity of individuals; the latter developed or evolved as society became more complex and became characterized by the divisions of labour and interdependence. A segmentary society represents the social type marked by the mechanical solidarity, and consists of segments of âsmall societyâ within the larger one, each with âits own special regulatory organsâ.7 Durkheimâs understanding is from a strictly evolutionary viewpoint, and predicted âthe progressive disappearance of the segmentary organizationâ.8 Thus, looking through his evolutionary lenses, Durkheim saw segmentary society as a primitive type, which in future would be replaced by a more progressive one.
However, Durkheimâs evolutionary view of segmentary society has been challenged by other scholars. Citing examples of segmentary societies in Africa and Asia, Christian Sigrist argues that these societies âcontinue to function according to their structural principles even if they are juristically and administratively integrated into a colonial or post-colonial stateâ.9 Naga society can be considered as one such society, which, in spite of its integration, first, into British India, and then into independent India, continues to function under principles of segmentary society.
In 1956, Aidan W Southall, in his monograph on the âAlur Societyâ, built on the foundation laid by Durkheim and further formulated the concept of segmentary society. Southall spoke of segmentary society as one in which the various segments in the society are âtied together at one levelâ by their opposition to an âadjacent unrelated groupâ, but are in constant opposition with each other at another level.10 Three key features of segmentary society can be drawn from this definition: first, autonomy of the segments: segmentary societies are made up of family, clan or village segments. Each of these segments is largely autonomous. Second, unity of the whole: the segments within a segmentary society recognize their cultural and historic affinity with each other, and therefore exhibit solidarity and unity at a certain level. Third, collective opposition against the others: the segments within a segmentary society share a common opposition against other unrelated people groups. Taking these characteristics as the analytical framework, I discuss the nature of Naga society in this chapter. This chapter, however, refrains from detailed discussion on the post-1947 period, so as toreserve it for the appropriate chapters below. Nevertheless, whenever possible, a brief note is made of how the particular cultural practice is practised even today.
7 Emile Durkheim, The Division of Labor in Society, trans. WD Halls (NY: Free Press, 2014), 174.
8 Durkheim, The Division of Labor in Society, 174.
9 Christian Sigrist, âSegmentary Societies: The Evolution and Actual Relevance of an Interdisciplinary Conceptionâ Difference and Integration, vol 4, no 1 (2004), 15.
10 Aidan William Southall, Alur Society: A Study in Processes and Types of Domination (Munster: LIT Verlag, 2004), 260.
Independent and autonomy
A distinctive feature of Naga society was its urge for freedom, a quest for which rang ostensibly throughout its history. The desire to be independent was to such an extent that every village maintained its own autonomy, a village state, independent and self-governing.
How did this system of independent village states originate? According to tradition, the Naga people had a common ancestry. Their ancestors lived in an ancient village, but as the population increased, they spread to various places establishing villages all over the Naga Hills. These early ancestors had an autochthonous origin. There are two prominent traditions on the autochthonous origin of the Naga people:Chungliyimti11 andKezakenoma12 traditions. While the former narrates that the Naga people emerged from the six stones at the village of Chungliyimti,13 the latter is of the view that the Naga ancestors emerged out of a hole in the earth near the miraculous stone at Kezakenoma.14 The autochthonous traditions probably point to the beginning of Naga civilization. It is symbolic of a society which at some point of time began to think about who they were and where they came from. Chungliyimti and Kezakenoma probably were either the place of this enlightenment, or the farthest to which their memory could take them when people began to entertain such thoughts.15 The name of the Ao Naga tribe bears testimony to the migration of the Naga people from their ancestral village to various places. Tradition has it that the Ao Naga tribe was called âAoâ, meaning âthose who went awayâ because they moved away from the other tribes, by crossing the Dikhu river.
Research by modern scholars points to several waves of migration resulting in various tribal settlements. As early as the 1920s, two schools of thought dominated the migratory origin of the Naga people. The first school argued for an origin from Northwest China. From there, they migrated to occupy Myanmar and Siam (Thailand). However, pressure from thos...