Female Offenders and Reentry

Pathways and Barriers to Returning to Society

Lisa M. Carter, Catherine D. Marcum

• Publisher: Routledge
• Year: 2017
• ISBN:
  9781351651196
• Edition: 1
• Topic: Law
• Subtopic: Criminal Law
• Index: Law

Often, research concerning the female offender is scarce. This book adds to the criminological literature on the topic of reentry for women, focusing on the barriers women face as they return to society and adjust to life after incarceration. Each chapter addresses specific issues, challenges, and obstacles affiliated with the hindrance of successful reentry processes associated with female offenders, as well as data-driven empirical studies.

While corrections has often misunderstood or overlooked the needs of returning offenders, the shortcomings of the institutions have a greater impact on women than on their male counterparts, particularly regarding the occurrence of social and medical problems, especially those related to mental health and substance abuse. Female Offenders and Reentry helps criminal justice students and practitioners see the full picture when considering the challenges faced by female offenders reintegrating into society.

Chapter 1

Introduction

Catherine D. Marcum and Lisa M. Carter

The number of inmates incarcerated in the United States drastically increased between 1980 and 2016, mainly due to severe sentencing policies that increased criminal sanctions and lengthened prison sentences. Currently, there are approximately 2.3 million men and women incarcerated in prisons and jails in the United States (Mears and Cochran, 2015), ranking the United States as the highest incarcerating country in the world. The majority of these inmates (more than 90%) will be released and return to society (Petersilia, 2003; Travis, 2005), expected to successfully reintegrate back into society without incident. However, within three years, approximately 66% of these released offenders will be rearrested for a new crime (Durose, Cooper, and Snyder, 2014), thus indicating many of these offenders are not prepared for release and successful reentry back into society.

The public perception of reentry for offenders released from prison is often uniformed, often leading to a skewed idea of the reintegration process. Individuals not entangled in the criminal justice system are often puzzled why a person just released from prison, often after a lengthy sentence, would quickly commit another crime to get sent back or would not revel in the fact she was free. What is generally not understood is that the majority of individuals released from prison encounter a plethora of barriers to prevent them from successful reentry (Petersilia, 2003; Travis, 2005). For example, offenders may not have the financial capability to support themselves immediately after release and have little to no support system in regard to family and friends who can house them temporarily. Employment can be difficult to acquire due to criminal record and/or lack of transportation. Lack of adequate financial resources and/or health care access can cause difficulty in obtaining medication for mental or physical health needs, such as counseling services. Many people returning to society, especially women, have struggled with substance abuse issues, often related to the crimes for which they may be finishing a prison sentence. For those struggling with problems related to histories of substance abuse and addiction, treatment is another immediate need to facilitate a successful reentry process. Lastly, many offenders are forced to return to the environments from which they were involved in deviant behaviors before incarceration, making it difficult to start fresh with peers who support a crime-free life.

The purpose of this book is to examine the reentry process for a special group of offenders: females. While both male and female offenders will often face the same barriers, there are many unique only to women. Women represent the most rapidly growing group of the U.S. prison population (Petersilia, 2003). From 1977 to 2008, incarceration rates for females grew by 943%, compared to a 520% increase in male rates (West and Sabol, 2009). By 2010, more than one million women were under some form of correctional control: incarcerated in correctional institutions, on parole, or on probation

While corrections has often misunderstood and/or overlooked the needs of returning offenders, the shortcomings of the institutions have greater impact on women than their male counterparts. While all returning offenders experience difficulties, women in particular face serious social and medical problems, especially those related to mental health and substance abuse (Covington and Bloom, 2006; Gido and Dalley, 2009; Petersilia, 2003; Richie, 2001). These problems may carry over in their lives once they return from confinement (Richie, 2001). In addition, the lack of gender-specific programming and other resources allocated toward females offenders simply because of the amount of women compared to men in the system (7% versus 93% incarcerated offenders) make preparing women for a successful reentry before and after incarceration difficult. This text will break down the reentry processes, barriers to reentry, and successful policies to assist females during reentry through the chapters discussed in this volume.

Chapters 2 through 9 explore the various issues associated with the reentry process that can either be a positive pathway or negative barrier. Chapter 2 discusses how lack of dependable transportation—an issue experienced by a large majority of female offenders due to low income and geographic barriers—affects the ability to gain employment, attend required meetings and treatments, and other daily life affiliations. For some, meeting these demands may be required for parole conditions, as well as, acquiring services needs for successful reintegration. Chapter 3 then addresses the physical needs specifically affiliated with the female and how lack of medical treatment during incarceration, and living in an unhealthy environment, can negatively impact health after release. Chapter 4 explains the mounting issues related to mental health and its affiliation with our female offenders. Approximately 60–70% of female offenders have a diagnosable mental illness, and often lack the ability to obtain proper treatment and medication after release. Following Chapter 4 is a special case study regarding the issue of mental illness and female offenders, utilizing an empirical dataset of female parolees to provide predictors of recidivism.

Chapter 5 delves into the consistent issues of substance abuse, its affiliation with female criminality, health, and needs concerning treatment. The connections between mental health and substance abuse are also examined. Approximately 60–70% of female offenders have a diagnosable mental illness, and often lack the ability to obtain proper treatment and medication after release. Case Study 5A specifically examines data involving women and drug use, complementing the empirical research presented in Chapter 5.

Chapter 6 addresses an issue unique to females: reproductive and gynecological needs. Issues regarding birth control, gynecological care, sexually transmitted diseases, and sterilization are discussed. Chapter 7 discusses the difficulties encountered by released female offenders with trying to earn a GED, college degree, or vocational training to improve employment possibilities after incarceration. Financial aid issues, funding, and other barriers are also examined. Chapter 8 addresses the challenges associated with finding meaningful employment for released female offenders. Issues such as felony records, lack of training, and transportation all interfere with earning a sustainable living. Finally, Chapter 9 outlines housing options and limitations for released female offenders and their families. Restrictions in regard to government housing, halfway houses, and homeless shelters are also discussed in this chapter.

Chapters 10 through 13 examine special issues affiliated with reentry that do not apply to every offender. Chapter 10 discusses the difficulty maintaining family bonds during incarceration due to visitations issues and placement of children, and the challenges females meet when attempting to reunite with family members and children during reentry. Parenting resources, skills, and other pertinent issues are addressed. Chapter 11 discusses a unique group in the offender population, especially in regard to the female inmate. While sex offenses can range in severity, there are challenges associated with housing, employment, and basic social acceptance for women convicted of these offences. Chapter 12 discusses another special female population ingrained in the criminal justice system: women of color. This chapter utilizes empirical data to examine the experience of minority women in regard to reintegration and the issues they experience. Chapter 13, the last chapter on special populations, addresses those who have been wrongfully convicted of a crime and the reparations given to them, if any, during release. In addition, the physical, psychological, and social issues associated with their reentry will be discussed.

The final chapter in this book, Chapter 14, will examine the most pertinent issue of all in regard to women and reentry: how do they refrain from committing crime? This chapter also discusses gender-responsive programming to support female desistence and successful reentry. Following this chapter, a special case study to assess incarcerated women’s perceptions of the likelihood of desistance upon their release from prison. Factors and influences on desistance is also addressed in this study.

The hope for this book is the reader will encompass a more informed perspective of the barriers and pathways associated with the reentry process for offenders, especially females. This text will take the reader through an in-depth examination of each challenge, ending with a discussion of how each of these challenges affects the grand scheme of reentry back into society. With a thorough comprehension of the factors associated with the battle of reentry, the hope is that students, educators, practitioners, and policymakers can work toward making this transition more successful and decrease the rates of recidivism, thereafter creating safer communities. Policies guided by research may slowly begin to ease the burden and costs of the criminal justice system that result from supervising and managing millions of offenders. In turn, not only can a more manageable correctional systems result, but also a more productive reentry process for those attempting to rebuild their lives after incarceration.

References

Covington, S., and Bloom, B. (2006). Gender responsive treatment services in correctional settings. In E. Leeder (Ed.), Inside and out: Women, prison and therapy. Philadelphia, PA: Haworth Press.

Durose M. R., Cooper A. D., and Snyder H. N. (2014, April). Recidivism of prisoners released in 30 states in 2005: Patterns from 2005-2015 (Special Report NCJ244205). Bureau of Justice Statistics. Retrieved from http://www.bjs.gov/content/pub/pdf/rprts05p0510.pdf

Gido R. L., and Dalley L. (2009). Women’s mental health issues across the criminal justice system. Upper Side River, NJ: Pearson Prentice Hall.

Mears, D., and Cochran, J. (2015). Prisoner reentry in the era of mass incarceration. Los Angeles, CA: Sage.

Petersilia, J. (2003). When prisoners come home: Parole and prisoner reentry. New York, NY: Oxford University Press.

Richie, B. (2001). Challenges incarcerated women face as they return to their communities: Findings from life history interviews. Crime & Delinquency, 47, 368–389.

Travis, J. (2005). But they all come back: Facing the challenges of prison reentry. Washington, DC: The Urban Institute.

West, H., and Sabol, W. (2009). Prisoners in 2009 (Pub. No. NCJ 231675). Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs. Retrieved from www.bjs.gov/content/pub/pdf/p09.pdf

Chapter 2

Transportation Issues

Miriam Northcutt Bohmert

• Keywords: dependable transportation, recidivism, risk-needs assessment, risk-needs-responsivity model

Dependable Transportation

Access to dependable transportation has been linked to several favorable outcomes for at-risk populations in the U.S. It can include automobile ownership, proximity to affordable and reliable public transit, or physical ability to walk or bike from place to place. For example, car ownership for low-income individuals enables individuals to live in better neighborhoods that have lower poverty rates and lower health risks (Pendall et al., 2014). For low-income single mothers, car ownership is an even stronger predictor of gaining and maintaining employment than education or work experience (Lichtenwalter, Koeske, and Sales, 2006). Not surprisingly, a 2014 Urban Institute Study (Pendall et al., 2014), recommends increasing levels of car ownership for low-income households to increase positive employment outcomes.

Apart from cars, Sanchez (1999), using U.S. Census data for two large U.S. cities, found that greater access to public transit—nearness to a bus or subway stop as well as transit frequency—also means significantly higher rates of labor participation. Better transportation access also improves access to medical and social programs and services (Cvitkovich and Wister, 2001). Weaker transportation access can lead to increased levels of stress that may contribute to mental health problems, reduced labor productivity, lower employee performance, and absenteeism (Cox, Griffiths, and Rial-Gonzalez, 2000; Gottholmseder, Nowotny, Pruckner, and Theurl, 2009; Jacobson et al., 1996). In short, employment and health outcomes are better for those with better access to transportation.

Although female offenders share similarities with low-income and elderly populations, definitions of dependable transportation and research developed for the latter may not be directly transferable to female offenders. Female offenders and low-income individuals share similar financial burdens (Holtfreter, Reisig, and Morash, 2004), and both experience unemployment and unsafe housing (Schram, Koons-Witt, Williams, and McShane, 2006). They also suffer some of the health concerns that affect elderly individuals (Maruschak and Berzofsky, 2015). However, female offenders have additional disadvantages unique to their criminal-justice system involvement that should be studied in their own right (Daly, 1992; Daly and Chesney-Lind, 1988). They face additional problems of depression and anxiety symptoms, psychosis symptoms, anger/hostility, adult victimization, parental stress, and relationship dysfunction (Belknap, 1996; Bloom, Owen, and Covington, 2003; Covington and Bloom, 2003; O’Brien, 2006; Owen and Bloom, 1995; Richie, 2001). These needs may translate into greater need for transportation to meet day-to-day needs as well as complete supervision successfully.

Because of their financial, medical, and domestic needs, female offenders are often categorized on risk and needs assessments as higher risk (Hannah-Moffat, 1999). Women are then required to attend a greater number of post-release programs. But because women offenders comprise only 23% of those on probation and parole (Glaze and Bonczar, 2009), fewer such programs are available to them. Further complicating the situation, programs appropriate for women tend to be farther away geographically and to disallow children from being present. Because 56% of females in federal prisons and 62% in state prisons have at least one child (Glaze and Maruschak, 2008), female offenders are likely to have primary caretaking responsibilities for minor children (Covington, 2002). Consequently, women involved in the criminal justice system experience a significant greater and usually unrecognized need for dependable and affordable transportation than men, low-income women, and the elderly.

Thus, there is a demonstrated need to examine transportation in greater depth in samples of female offenders. To investigate transportation among female offenders, Northcutt Bohmert (n.d.) extended existing definitions of dependable tr...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Title
• Copyright
• Dedication
• Contents
• 1 Introduction
• 2 Transportation Issues
• 3 Physical Health Needs and Treatment for Female Offenders Returning to Society
• 4 Mental Health Needs and Treatment
• Case Study 4A Female Offenders, Mental Illness, and Recidivism: An Examination of Mental Illness and Substance Use Disorders Among a Sample of Female Parolees Released to the City of Philadelphia
• 5 Women With Substance Use Disorders Reentering the Community
• Case Study 5A Women Offenders and Drug Courts: Does Gender Matter?
• 6 Reproductive Health Needs and Treatment
• 7 Educational and Vocational Attainment During Reintegration
• 8 Having to Check Yes: The Stigma of a Criminal Record and Other Challenges to Obtaining Meaningful Employment for Released Female Offenders
• 9 Centering Women’s Reentry With Safe, Secure, and Affordable Housing
• 10 Reunification With Family and Children During the Reentry Process
• 11 Female Sex Offenders and Reintegration
• 12 Making It on the Outside: Reintegration Challenges of Girls and Women of Color
• 13 Wrongful Convictions
• 14 Future Directions/Best Practices
• Case Study 14A Desistance From Crime During Reintegration
• Index