It must have come as a shock to many women that their vaunted allies could not entertain the thought of them as other than sex objects. These iconoclasts were ready to fling aside political traditions of a thousand years’ duration; challenge religious doctrines deeply imbedded in the collective unconscious; put to the test all accepted dogmas—except those that related to women’s proper sphere. Whatever else women might be able to do, what contributions they could make to society, would have to take a backseat to their primary function of wifehood and motherhood.4
Don’t you know that it is a great pleasure to a clever woman to manage a house skilfully, and to do it so that all the house-mates about her look pleased, and are grateful to her? And then, you know, everybody likes to be ordered about by a pretty woman: why, it is one of the pleasantest forms of flirtation.5
However, Lady Florence Dixie’s Gloriana, or The revolution of 1900 (also published in 1890) has a different ideal of the ‘clever woman’: she is not interested in housework or flirting, but in emancipating her sex through education, physical exercise and discipline, and through political leadership. The only house that Gloriana aspires to manage is the House of Commons.
The difference between Morris and Dixie, and their utopias, is directly related to their circumstances. Morris, impelled by the most laudable humanitarian impulse, writes as an ‘insider’ impatient with a world of privilege; while Lady Florence, for all her aristocratic connections, remains an ‘outsider’. Oscar Wilde’s definition of utopia in ‘The soul of man under socialism’ (again, 1890) offers a useful metaphor: ‘Utopia … is the one country at which Humanity is always landing. And when Humanity lands there, it looks out, and, seeing a better country, sets sail. Progress is the realisation of Utopias.’ men, securely ensconced in traditional power structures, could discard them in favour of new forms of organisation; women, locked outside, needed to land on those islands. Thus, while it may be disappointing that women of this period did not challenge cultural assumptions and forge a radically different alternative to the world they knew, their focus is understandable. The tantalising, unreachable island was political suffrage, and it was there that the early feminists located their eutopias.
These works fall into three separate categories. Most numerous are the primarily feminist eutopias (14 of 20 titles = 70 per cent): Clapperton (1888); Swanwick (1888); Corbett (1889); Bevington (189?); Dixie (1890); Schreiner (1890); Wolstenholme-Elmy (1893); Mears (1895); Coleridge (1900); de Bury (1904); Dixie (1905); Hamilton (1908); Clyde (1909); Minnett (1911). The two smaller groups (each of three titles = 15 per cent) are related by common religious themes: the first group depicts alternative eutopias, the second, dystopias. The religious eutopists are Hearn (1892); Drane (1898); Nichol (1908). Two of the three dystopian works which share their principles, opposing scientific materialism in the name of religious orthodoxy, are Cobbe (1877) and Bramston (1893); and the third is an early anti-communist dystopia, Thomas (1873). Most, if not all, of these writers are feminists. Their eutopian societies, usually of a future and transformed Britain, reflect the feminist movement’s priorities and its values, the effect of those battles won, and those still to be fought.
The publication dates of these novels span three decades. The mid-1880s to the first decade of the twentieth century was a period of little progress towards suffrage, the main target of the women’s movement. However, although a time of feminist aspiration rather than achievement, it was a period of intense activity in the history of the utopian genre. There were many more male than female utopists during these three decades, although publication figures show an almost identical surge of interest in the genre, i.e. a burgeoning in the 1880s, which peaks in the 1890s, although thereafter women’s writing declines to almost complete silence in the years immediately preceding World War One.6 It is important to remember that these women writers were part of a flourishing literary movement, although their themes are so often different from those of men.
The classical Amazons interested many late-Victorian male writers: several feminist Utopians invoked them, but with quite different results.7 The legendary nation of women offered a desirable model of women’s autonomy, although, of course, some aspects of Amazon life were either tempered or ignored. Their warlike nature was largely unacceptable when most feminists were pacifists, their aggresssive mating with male slaves inadmissible. Amazons hardly seemed fitted for a complex, urbanised, technologically advanced future society based on social reform. However, ‘Amazonian’ was eagerly adapted to describe larger than life women characters, compounds of impressive physical size and Victorian dignity. While ‘civilising’ the Amazons meant eliminating their basest associations with sensual nature (which most attracted male writers), they offered a model of female governance, untainted by associations with domesticity. Auerbach quotes the speech of an Amazon from Herodotus’ The Persian wars: ‘To draw the bow, to hurl the javelin, to bestride the horse, these are our arts—of womanly employments we know nothing.8 Victorian feminist writers found in the Amazons raw material for their women citizens of the future, equally alien to ‘womanly employments’.
The first of these was Elizabeth Corbett in New Amazonia: a foretaste of the future (1889). Written at the height of the ‘surplus women’ debate, it provides an ingenious solution: not shipment of women to existing colonies where there were ‘surplus men’, but the government’s grant of Ireland (and £50 million) to women and their children so that they might establish their own colony. Universal suffrage is the necessary precursor to this feminist emigration (which presumably also puts paid to the ‘Irish question’), relieving pressure in a future England in which women outnumber men by three to one and are exploited as sweated labour.9 (Perhaps Corbett was familiar with Jessie Boucherett’s exasperated wish for ‘a new planet alongside for us to export our superfluous women to’.)10 Six centuries after settlement, the most notably ‘Amazonian’ feature of the women is their size (some are seven feet tall). Corbett is unusual in providing two time-travellers to her utopia, one female, one male: the woman rejoices that here her 26-inch waist is not regarded as a deformity, but the male (an effete and weedy misogynist) sees the feminist eutopia as a dystopia. ‘The men here seem to be fools. They let the women grow up as strong and healthy as themselves, and it wou...