2.1What is gender and why does it matter in economics?
This book explains how economic processes and outcomes are shaped by gender. It provides theoretical, conceptual and methodological explanations of a gender-aware economics by focusing on resource agents and economic problems in the microeconomy.
Gender refers to the socially constructed norms and behaviors of women and men, girls and boys that transcend the identities, roles and relationships performed. In order to make the concept of gender tangible in economic analysis, it is broken down into three dimensions: identity, roles and relationships. Every day, women and men make economic decisions that affect their current state of wellbeing and the wellbeing of people around them. Their decisions also have an impact on the natural environment. Women and men make economic decisions individually, collectively or they get decisions imposed upon them. In this book, we zoom in on multidimensional human wellbeing, which can be assessed in objective and subjective terms in line with McGregor (2004). The human wellbeing concept will be introduced in Chapter 3. Furthermore, in this book when we construct models of individual/household, social groups/ communities and firm-level economic wellbeing the focus is in line with the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD; 2013). Economic wellbeing is also defined in Chapter 3, section 3.1.
Box 2.1 Gender
Gender is the socially constructed norms and behaviors of women and men, girls and boys that transcend the identities, roles and relationships performed.
Gender identity refers to what it means to be and act as a woman or a man, girl or boy within a particular social environment in a given time and place. Gender roles interact with these socially constructed identities and refer to the different tasks and activities, responsibilities and behaviors women and men are accustomed to and what is considered socially appropriate. Gender relationships are then the socially constructed interactions between (groups of) women and men, expressed in relationships of power, collaboration, friendship, affection, love, competition, domination, coercion and force, etc. Gender relationships are embedded and reproduced through societyâs formal and informal institutions, thus permeating institutional structures, laws, rules, norms, customs and traditions. Gender identity, roles and relationships are also co-constitutive of each other. This is why Judith Butler (2010) speaks of gender as being a performative social phenomenon that produces and reproduces itself all the time. Societal institutions, including economic institutions, can reproduce or deepen pre-existing gender inequalities if they are not gender-aware.
Box 2.2 Performativity of gender
Gender is a performative social phenomenon that produces and reproduces itself all the time within a given societal context and period of time.
Source: Butler (2010).
Gender intersects with caste, class, religion, race and ethnicity, but also interacts with age, social and marital status and personal characteristics. In places where women and men work, gender interacts with other social constructs, such as religion, class, race or ethnicity shaping the structures and dynamics of the workforce. These complex interactions between gender and other social constructs are not always clearly visible to an outsider. But once knowing the cultural values influencing such interactions, one can reveal them.
Gender-awareness in economics thus means to be informed and attentive to gender identity, roles and relationships. Furthermore, it implies as economic researcher to be attentive to how gender bias and dynamics can influence economic decisions, processes and outcomes and cause gender inequalities in wellbeing. Economic decisions made today have implications on the wellbeing of future generations. From the natural and physical resource bases people leave behind, wellbeing is determined for the future. There is a great global concern that despite todaysâ affluent societies, people live in deep poverty, face structural inequality and hardship, are discriminated against and excluded, dominated, oppressed and maltreated. Globalization has not and will not solve these structural inequalities by itself. It is true that some of the old divides have started to disappear, but others remain and new ones continuously appear. Certain deprivations and inequalities affect entire groups of people, leading to durable inequalities; in the words of Charles Tilly, âacross categories of: caste, class, religion, race, ethnicity, age and genderâ (1999). Among those durable inequalities, gender inequality is one of the most universal and pervasive one; particularly, difficult political and economic circumstances women and girls tend to bear the brunt. There is a growing recognition that globalization and rising levels of gross domestic product (GDP) are not enough to effectively address structural gender inequalities. Moreover, there is a growing recognition that gender inequalities intersect with other social-cultural or political inequalities and oppression or marginalization, thus creating new forms of inequality in wellbeing.
Considering the more negative side of gender and the economy, we find women and girls more often than not pulling the short end of the stick compared to their male counterparts, especially in cultures where patriarchy rules and subversion is enforced. Womenâs economic status, their participation in the economy, and competitive positions and rewards are on average less than menâs. This is considered âon averageâ, as the opposite can also be true. On the more positive side, we find womenâs economic status and participation having improved considerably over the past fifty years or so, at least in those societies where democracy and freedom are being respected. But these historical changes do not necessarily correspond with development of new gender-aware economic theory and methods sine qua non. Economic theories and methods are remarkably slow in capturing the changing face of the real-life economy. Following Diane Elsonâs (1991) and Marianne Ferber and Julie Nelsonâs (1993) seminal works on male bias in economic development, we have written this book more than twenty years later because of the old economic textbooks used in class are still the same. Edith Kuiper argued (2001) that economic theories and methods have been developed and applied from a one-sided, male view on the economy and what economics is and should be all about. For example, a key figure in economics, the economic agent, has long been ascribed a narrow set of male-biased characteristics that not many people in real life can actually relate to. Feminist economists, and later the behavioral economists have denounced this delimiting notion of a âhomo economicusâ, whom supposedly behaves perfectly rational in gender-neutral markets. Rationality in that sense refers to economic decision making by comparing relative prices on a one-dimensional scale. However, people weigh in other, non-market factors as well when making economic decisions. Previous experiences, emotions, benevolence, reciprocity, opportunity costs in the household domain, custom and belief, cultural values, and a sense of social justice may all weigh into the decision. This widening scope of what shapes economic decision-making is why, in this book, economic agents are referred to as resource agents (see Section 2.3).