âI have so much to doâ
And yetâExistenceâsome way backâ
Stoppedâstruckâmy tickingâthroughââ
Emily Dickinson
I
Immanuel Kant tells us in his âThird Definitive Article for a Perpetual Peaceâ [1795] that the Earth is property shared by all human beings (Kant 1983: para. 358). This argument follows Kantâs plea for what he calls a âcosmopolitan rightâŠof universal hospitalityâ (ibid., emphasis in original).1 It is the idea that we have a âright to visit, to associateâ, indeed, to âbelongâ, based on âour common ownership of the earthâs surfaceâ (ibid.). What is notable about Kantâs argument for hospitality is that, although originally genetic, in the sense that this right to hospitality is derived from the fact that âoriginally no one had a greater right to any region of the earth than anyone elseâ, it becomes clear that Kantâs reasons are not simply structural, but ethical (ibid.).2 Owing to the fact that we share this âearthâ which âis a globe, [we] cannot scatter ourselves infinitelyâ, must, finally, âtolerate living in close proximityâ (ibid.).3 It is this idea of toleration to which John Locke appeals in his earlier Letter Concerning Toleration [1689], which is not that we should tolerate the conditions in which we live, against which in some instances Locke argues, but that we should tolerate and indeed respect othersâ rights to be.4 Lockeâs is a noble aim, but one that becomes troubled once we recall that we all share this globe. Kant strengthens Lockeâs claim by arguing that the argument for hospitality should rest not upon moral whim,5 which in Locke allows refusal of toleration to certain groups, but upon this shared right to the earth, what Kant in his Metaphysics of Morals, only two years after âPerpetual Peaceâ, will call â[t]his rational idea of a peaceful [1797], even if not friendly, thoroughgoing community of all nations on the earthâŠa principle having to do with rightsâ (Kant 1998: 6: 352; emphasis in original).
But while it is one thing to say we share the earth with one other, what does it mean to say we share the earth with the dead?6 This is the question that Adam Smith asks in his Lectures on Jurisprudence. How âsacredâ should we consider the will of the dead, let alone the âWill of a dead Friendâ? (Corr. Letter 156 from Hume, 3 May 1776).7 In determining âhow far the right of the dead might extend,â if indeed âthey h[ave] any at allâ, hence in asking â[w]hat obligation [a]âŠcommunity [is] under to observe the directions he made concerning his goodsâ (LJ(A) i.150), Smith anticipates Kantâs hospitality, (Smith 1982: LJ(B), para. 169) since in Smithâs view this question of obligation can be answered only by answering the even more fundamental question of who counts, as in who counts as âsubjects of a stateâ (LJ(B), para. 86). One drawback of Kantâs right of hospitality is that, despite the wide reach he reserves for equality and the sharing of the earth, the right itself is quite narrow, consisting only of âthe right of an alien not to be treated as an enemy upon his arrival in anotherâs countryâ (Kant 1983: para. 358).8 This is notable in its contradistinction to Kantâs earlier insistence, in âTheory and Practiceâ [1793], that all individuals possess these rights, those of âequalityâ and âfreedomâ and âindependenceâ, âa prioriâ, simply by virtue of our being âa human beingâ (Kant 1983: para. 290; emphasis in original), as in âa being who is in general capable of having rightsâ (para. 291). Although Kant says that we possess these rights owing to our shared humanity, he also says they are enforceable only to the extent that we are âa member of the commonwealthâ (para. 291). It is only in civil society where these rights are secured and their exercise guaranteed, since it is only in civil society where observation of them can be enforced through what Kant calls âcoercionâ (para. 290), thus âpublic lawâ (para. 292). So, for Kant, determining the reach of these inalienable rights, let alone a right of hospitality, similarly becomes a question of who counts as a citizen of the state. Are the dead citizens of the state? If Kantâs is our criterion, the dead would seem to have three strikes against them.9 As Patrick R. Frierson observes, â[t]he dead are not human, not sentient, and not even livingâ (Frierson 2006: 453). Where, then, does this leave the dead?
Smith insists that the dead have rights, just not of the rational sort identified by Kant; the dead possess what Smith more modestly calls a right to âpietyâ, known in the ecclesial vernacular as âa reverence for the will of the deadâ, the sense âthat the will of the deceased with respect to his goods or heirs should be observedâ (LJ(A) i.161). Smith soon enough moves away from this ecclesial foundation in his account of the rights of the dead, loosening the impersonal language of âshouldâ to the somewhat more convivial and inviting âregard we all naturaly have to the will of a dying personâ (LJ(A) i.150), the âpleasureâ â[w]e naturaly findâŠin remembering the last words of a friend and in executing his last injunctionsâ (LJ(B) para. 165).10 But the point is the same, and it turns on Smithâs language of âlast wordsâ and âlast injunctionsâ. We âregardâ this last ârequestâ (para. 165), according to Smith, what he earlier calls âthe right we conceive men to have to dispose of their goods after their deathâ (LJ(A) i.149), not so much because this is âa piece of piety not to be dispensed withâ (i.161), which, while true in some respects, suggests a kind of relenting in favor of avoiding punishment to ourselves, but rather owing to the âimpietyâ and indeed âinjuryâ we âconceive [would] be done to the dead personâ were we ânot to comply with [their] desireâ (LJ(B) para. 165), in this instance that slight acknowledgment, itself the basis of testamentary succession at all, that âthe heir of blood is [not] always thought the preferable oneâ (LJ(B) para. 156). The novelty of Smithâs account of succession, meaning most simply his âfound[ing]â it âon piety and affection to the deadâ (para. 89), lies in the very creative way this wrests the right from any jurisprudential foundation. And which is where this right of the dead becomes interesting, hence a matter of jurisprudence, which is when its extension infringes upon the rights of those who are properly subjects of the state â those of the living.11 And since we are dealing with âinanimated bodiesâ (Smith 1982 TMS: I.i.13), when we refer to any acts of infringement, from dead to living, we naturally mean those rights possessed when the deceased was alive, what Jean Barbeyrac, in his commentary on Samuel Pufendorfâs Of the Law of Nature and Nations [1706], calls our appeal to that right that we might have the âlibertyâ to âdispose of [our] Goods at [our] Deathâ, the liberty to âleave them to such Persons as [w]e loveâ (Pufendorf 1749: 420 n. 2). These are thus the rights of testamentary succession, or those rights, entails, belonging to what Smith calls â[t]he greatest of all extensions of propertyâ (LJ(B), para. 166). To the extent that we do wish to observe the rights of the dead, what Pufendorf gingerly interprets as the âManagement of what belongâd to the deadâ, our âCare of [those]âŠwho are no longer Members of human societyâ (1749: 420), how far may we extend these rights, the rights of those âreckonâd as no body in civil Considerationâ (418), without infringing upon the rights of those who are, or those of the living? Which is the question: what are the demands the dead may make upon the living?
II
While nowadays testamentary succession is an accepted practice with little fanfare, although gifts bequeathed to universities can be of note, and one has usually heard a story of an individual leaving their estate to beloved family pets, this normalcy was not the case for Adam Smith (Friedman 2009: 75â76). Smith saw as a real challenge the possibility of testamentary succession at all, let alone the question of how far it may reasonably extend, putting it plainly: âThere is no point more difficult to account for than the right we conceive men to have to dispose of their goods after their death. For at what time is it that this right takes place[?]â (LJ(A) i.149). To be fair, the question mark is mine; Smith is not asking a question, to which he already knows the answer, so much as expressing incredulity at the point when this right is understood to take place, which, as he tells us, is â[j]ust at the very time that the person ceases (to have?) the power of disposing of themâ (ibid.). This is where Smithâs real questions begin.12 On the one hand, it makes sense why testamentary succession, what Smith calls âthe testamentary heir[âs]âŠclaim or right to any of the testators goodsâ, takes place when it does, which, as Smith explains, is not âuntill the moment that he is dead; for till that time he can not even have any reasonable expectation of his possessing them, as the testator may alter his inclinationâ (ibid.). But then what interests Smith is not the heirâs right to the property, but that moment in which the testator transfers possession of this right, which happens to be the same time the testator âceases to have the power of disposing of [property]â.
As living and breathing persons, we all possess what Smith calls a natural right âto dispose of [our] property while [w]e liveâ (LJ(B), para. 164). But this âpower of disposing of [our] goods (LJ(A) i.149)â, what Samuel Pufendorf (1749: 418) calls the âtransferring of Right from one to another Personâ, does âsuppose the existence of the two Parties at the time of its Date; so that henceforward the thing may be said to be estrangâd from him who thus transferrâd itâ (418). This is what Pufendorf means by âalienationâ (418), Smith by disposal of our property, both of which become, in the vernacular of âtransfer[ence of] things by Testamentâ, and here Pufendorf appeals to Hugo GrotiusâRights of War and Peace [1625], âthe Alienation of a whole Estate in the case of Deathâ (418; emphasis in original). It is here where for Smith this right of property is undone, which is when it attempts to explain those matters, âOn account of Deathâ, where âthings are conveyâd from one Person to anotherâ (418). â[S]o long as he draws Breathâ, Pufendorf tells us, the dying, the â[t]estatorâ, âretains a full and absolute Right to all his Goods, without the least Diminutionâ (418). This right is what we appeal to âin every Act of Alienationâ, as in those acts, qua alienation, consisting of âtwo Parties [in] join[ed] Consents; the one from whom, and the other to whom the thing is transferrâdâ (418). Yet âthese Consentsâ, that which âunit[es]â us âby [our] conspiring, as it were, together at the same time,â additionally suppose that a transfer can, indeed, âbe made at that timeâ (418), what Barbeyrac calls the rightâs âdepend[ance]âŠupon the mutual Consent of Partiesâ (418 n. 1). This is complicated somewhat if the time in this instance refers to âthat time, when in respect of the Party who should alienate, nothing can be callâd his own or anotherâsâ (418). Yet it is just this time to which testamentary succession refers, what Pufendorf calls our âMoment ofâŠDeathâ, or that moment we âloseth immediately all the Right [w]e held whilst aliveâ (418), and so what Smith himself refers to when he asks, in his jurisprudence lectures, âhow is it that a man comes to have a power of disposing as he pleases of his goods after his deathâ (LJ(A) i.149â150). This, for Smith, is the stumbling block to testamentary succession, and the difference between it and âlegal successionâ (LJ(B), para. 155).13 The testator âcannot be said to transferr his right, for the heir has no right in consequence of the testament till after the testator himself have noneâ (para. 164). By what means, then, does such a thing take place, where one of the parties, dead, does what, âproperly speakingâ, one should have no right to do? (ibid.)
The idea behind testamentary succession, as in why it takes place when we âhave nothing to do with the things of this Worldâ, âonlyâ when we âare not in a condition to make it of Force [ourselves]â, is the assumption of what Jean Barbeyrac calls the âreasonableâ â[m]anâ (Pufendorf 1749: 420 n. 2).14 Pufendorf reminds us that â[a]lienationâ begins with the acceptance as sincere the âDeclarations of a[notherâs] Intentionsâ (419), as in a promise to alienate property, to borrow Hugo Grotiusâ language, becomes âmutua[lly] Oblig[ing]â once âit isâŠacceptedâ, or âAcceptanceâŠbe signified to the Promisorâ (Grotius 2005: 720). Alienation is thus not quite the idea that by simply declaring my intention to transfer I thereby do transfer my property into anotherâs possession, as if without the chance to ârecallâ my intentions (Pufendorf 1749: 419). I certainly can recall my intentions, as Grotius for instance tells us, so long as the revoking is done before such acceptance is signified, hence âbefore itâŠobtain[s] its full Effectâ (Grotius: 720). But for all intents and purposes, this declared intent to alienate creates what Smith will later call âa reasonable ground of expectationâ in the promisee (LJ(A) ii.56). On account of...