Sexuality in a Changing China

Young Women, Sex and Intimate Relations in the Reform Period

Nicole Zarafonetis

• Publisher: Routledge
• Year: 2017
• ISBN:
  9781315293912
• Edition: 1
• Topic: Social Sciences
• Subtopic: Gender Studies
• Index: Social Sciences

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication DataNames: Zarafonetis, Nicole, author.
Title: Sexuality in a changing China: young women, sex and intimate
relations in the reform period / Nicole Zarafonetis.
Description: New York, NY: Routledge, 2017. | Series: Routledge research on
gender in Asia series | Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2017001825| ISBN 9781138240148 (hardback) | ISBN
9781315293936 (ebook)
Subjects: LCSH: Sex--China. | Sex instruction--China. | Sex role--China. |
Dating (Social customs)--China. | Marriage--China. | Women--China--Social
conditions.
Classification: LCC HQ18.C6 Z37 2017 | DDC 306.70951--dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2017001825

1
Introduction

Making sense of modernity in China

China’s transition from a planned to a market economy has resulted in significant lifestyle changes for the average citizen. Beginning in 1978, China’s ‘Open Door’ policy has allowed for the decollectivization of rural farmlands, the loosening of once strict hukou policies, housing reform, and increased international contact, all of which have affected daily life. Throughout the last 38 years, studies have looked at these developments, generally focusing on transformations in family life and in employment trends (see for example Liu, 2007; Fong, 2004; Riley, 2012; Parish and Farrer, 2000; Hanser, 2002; Hershatter, 2007). Given the rapid pace of social and economic change, when it comes to their personal lives, women in contemporary China continue to face a variety of conflicting messages from the public and private spheres. Despite promises of equality, the legacy of the Mao era remains and elements of Confucianism have been revived and circulate in the reform period (Hershatter, 1996; Rofel, 2007). As a result, traditional views concerning gender roles and sexual attitudes and practices persist in this climate of social and economic transformation.

Through the exploration of first-hand narratives, this book examines the ways in which young women consider sex, sexuality and intimate relations in this context. Based on interviews with 43 young women in Shanghai, this volume navigates the complicated tensions that have emerged for young women as a result of the continuing pull of tradition and the new demands of the reform period. Young women in contemporary China are faced with negotiating elements of their personal lives in an environment completely different from that experienced by their parents just a generation ago. Issues such as sex education, premarital sex, dating, partner choice and marriage are all matters which young women must now carefully consider in the context of the new market economy. Importantly, the Party-State modernization agenda and traditional patriarchal thought play significant roles in everyday life, and women are encouraged to find fulfilment through wifehood and motherhood. As a result, the reform period offers young women a series of contradictory expectations and possibilities when it comes to sex, sexuality and intimate relationships.

In order to contextualize the social and legal status of young women in contemporary China, especially since the Chinese landscape continues to change at a rapid pace, it is important to examine the shifts that have occurred since economic reform and their effect on women. The remaining part of this chapter explores the modernization process in China and the ways this varies from other East Asian and Western countries. The theories of modernization and personal relationships of Giddens, Beck and Beck-Gernsheim are then briefly reviewed, and their applicability to the Chinese context is considered. Following this, a brief outline of the remaining structure of this book is presented.

Theories of late modernity and personal relationships

In order to make sense of women’s changing social worlds in the reform period and the consequences that modernization has had for women, it is necessary to situate the Chinese modernization process within contemporary debates of modernity. Due to the recent intensification of global flows of information, ideas and people, the world has experienced significant economic, social and cultural change. These transformations and developments, it has been claimed, are the result of a shift from the modernity of the industrialization period to ‘late’ or ‘second’ modernity (Beck and Beck-Gernsheim, 2002; Giddens, 1991). According to Ulrich Beck, Elisabeth Beck-Gernsheim and Anthony Giddens, social relations in this new phase of modernity have changed greatly and given rise to women’s economic liberation and reproductive freedom, resulting in the transformation of relations between the sexes as well as the rise of the individual (Giddens, 1992; Beck and Beck-Gernsheim, 1995, 2002). However, the universalizing claims made by Beck, Beck-Gernsheim and Giddens are insufficient when examining not only contemporary gender relations in the West, but also in China.

Modernity cannot be fully explained without considering gender relations as women and men experience modernity in different ways (Tanabe and Tokita-Tanabe, 2003). When it comes to gender, Beck and Giddens consistently ignore the socio-cultural limitations placed upon women throughout the world. The claims made by these prominent theorists include: the increased participation of women in the labour force; decreased marriage as well as fertility rates; and the emergence of both feminist and gay and lesbian liberation movements (Giddens, 1992; Beck and Beck-Gernsheim, 1995). Although these trends can be noted within the West and throughout a number of countries around the globe, they are by no means universal. Historical and cultural situations vary and means of modernization, as well as industrialization, differ depending on setting. Thus, it is essential to take into account the historical and social context of each country when considering theories of late modernity (Tanabe and Tokita-Tanabe, 2003; Jackson, 2011).

Moreover, what modernity may mean in both the East Asian and Chinese contexts also varies. Especially when applying the late modernity framework within East Asia, it is imperative to keep in mind that modernity is frequently conceived within Western terms (Tanabe and Tokita-Tanabe, 2003; Bhambra, 2009). The West generally remains the main point of reference for non-Western societies when discussing economic development and modernization, with differences and similarities assessed between nations. However, as Tanabe and Tokita-Tanabe (2003: 2–3) note, ‘[it is] more fruitful to discuss “forms of modernity”’ to describe the multiplicity of modern societies in the world, all which have local characteristics as well as global elements. Arif Dirlik (2003) takes this notion further through the use of the term, ‘global modernity’, which encompasses not only the general homogenizing forces of globalization, but also recognizes the differences between and within countries. For Dirlik (2003: 276), the variations and contradictions that are present are a feature of contemporary modernity and are just as common as the normalizing elements. Therefore it is essential that conceptions of late modernity, particularly when referencing non-Western countries, take into account the importance of global and local histories, traditions and customs.

Tradition continues to be relevant when considering modernity in the Western context, and when it comes to modernity in East Asia, and especially in China, it is also important to note the (perhaps different) relationship between the traditional and the modern. As Tanabe and Tokita-Tanabe (2003) argue, while non-European cultures sought to imitate Western societies in some ways, it was also seen as essential to keep certain traditional aspects in order to distinguish themselves from the West. Therefore, ‘the search for the modern non-European self is bound to contain hybrid elements of what is seen as modern West and traditional East, which remain in uncomfortable coexistence’ (Tanabe and Tokita-Tanabe, 2003: 4). Moreover, as Kyung-Sup Chang illustrates through the use of the term ‘compressed modernity’, the modernization process in East Asia has occurred at an extremely rapid pace, especially when compared with the West (Chang, 1999: 31). In East Asia, therefore, modernity has involved a complex process of ‘picking and choosing’ elements of the West to incorporate and balance alongside tradition. As a result, the individual is faced with a complex task of negotiating which aspects to include or exclude in to their own personal lives (Tanabe and Tokita-Tanabe, 2003).

Although there are similarities in culture between China and other East Asian countries, when considering the modernization projects of the region, differences become evident. Arguably more ‘modern’ than China, Japan, South Korea and Taiwan could fit into Giddens’ and Beck’s definitions of late modernity. These countries have experienced similar forms and patterns of rapid development, including economic success, declining fertility rates and rising individualism (Chang and Song, 2010). In contrast, China’s modernization is different in nature, as it is an internally driven project, unlike in East Asia and many other Western countries (Xu, 2000). Moreover, China is generally not considered a post-industrial society and is often portrayed as ‘catching up’ to the rest of the region. With no welfare state, limited political and social democracy, and ties to the patriarchal Confucian family tradition, China’s modernization agenda clearly takes a distinct shape (Tam et al., 2014). Thus, with differences between China and the region, there can be no assumption that China’s development path will have the same effects as those seen in East Asia and in the West.

It is therefore important to recognize the unique features of modernity in East Asia and in the Chinese context. Although sharing some aspects of cultural heritage with the rest of East Asia, China’s modernization agenda is different compared with other nation’s entrances into the global economy. With the specificity of the Chinese context in mind, the consequences of this modernization process are not uniform. It is necessary to acknowledge this distinct setting in order to understand and situate the changing social world of young women in the reform era. In the following section, I give a brief overview of Giddens, Beck and Beck-Gernsheim’s accounts of late modernity and personal relationships, and then consider their applicability to the Chinese context.

Giddens, late modernity and intimacy

Giddens (1991) claims that late modernity has arisen due to significant developments in the world economic order, advancements in information and communication technology and an increase in the mobility of people and ideas. All of these elements, according to Giddens, have had an impact on the global and local patterns of public and private life. As a result, modern institutions throughout the world are now more dynamic and subject to change, with traditional patterns of organization and bases for relationships becoming no longer relevant (Giddens, 1991). Contemporary society is heavily influenced by the increasing global connectedness of all spheres, economic, social and cultural, thus resulting in a larger global consciousness and a more uniform world order.

For Giddens, the expansion of these connections appears to be a force that is unstoppable, with media and communication as well as financial markets and systems increasingly linked around the world, resulting in a strengthening of the relationship between the global and the local (Giddens, 1991). This intensification has consequently produced a heightened reflexivity of the self, where each individual is faced with multiple and diverse choices on a daily basis. Since the modern world has changed so much, decision-making for every person is now a much more complicated endeavour, as traditional courses or paths to choose from are no longer predictable or taken-for-granted (Giddens, 1991). The increasing diversity of choices has also given rise to more risks that, rather than separate individuals, bring people closer together, since former traditional bases of identity have disappeared and are being reconfigured. Moreover, globalization has led to shared concerns and morals, or a global consciousness, which has in turn resulted in a more unified and shared world system (Giddens, 1991). Thus, as a result of ‘detraditionalization’, each individual is increasingly connected to the wider world order, which in turn has become more universalized and uniform (Giddens, 1991).

Giddens views late modernity as a positive period of transformation, a result of the increasing interconnectedness from unrelenting globalizing forces. However, it must be noted that Giddens fails to recognize the unequal distribution of the effects of globalization throughout the world. His portrayal of globalization and the increasingly connected world system represents very much a Western, homogenizing view and universalizing opinion of the globalization phenomena, ignoring the differences as well as the vast inequalities that have resulted from globalization. As Brian Heaphy (2007: 86) states, although Giddens’ ‘arguments about global risks, challenges and opportunities may be partially convincing, his arguments about the opportunities that global modernity offers for mutual interrogation, the demise of “otherness” and difference and the unifying potentials of global insecurities are less so’.

For Giddens (1992), the increasing reflexivity of the self has had an impact on personal and intimate relationships, which are now embarked upon by social and economic equals. Giddens believes that there is a new ‘contingency in intimate and personal life’, where people now only engage in personal relationships for as long as mutually beneficial (Heaphy, 2007: 89; Giddens, 1992). This ‘pure relationship’ involves the democratization of the relationship between couples, especially between men and women. Women, according to Giddens, are more assertive in their sexual demands than ever before, and equality is now expected between partners rather than a hoped for ideal. Through his concept of ‘plastic sexuality’, women are freed from the ‘burden of reproduction’ and able to enjoy more equal sexual relationships (Giddens, 1992). Love, for Giddens, is not a sign of a stable relationship, but remains contingent and unstable, or what he terms ‘confluent love’, as each individual now chooses to enter into or separate from a relationship. Thus, the ‘pure relationship’ exists only for as long as mutually beneficial for the parties involved and is seen by Giddens as a sign of the democratization between the sexes (Giddens, 1992). Yet, as will be explored below, Giddens’ conceptualization of intimacy is very abstract and limited, particularly when considering the Chinese context.

Beck, second modernity and intimacy

For Ulrich Beck (1994, 2002), the rise of ‘second modernity’ has led to both increased levels of risk as well as an intensified awareness of these risks. The new dangers that have arisen are applicable to everyone, regardless of nationality or location, and contribute to an environment of uncertainty. Individuals are forced to react to such a risk-filled world through reflection, described by Beck (1994) as an instinctual reaction. Moreover, second modernity has given rise to the process of individualization. Basic rights and responsibilities are increasingly focused away from collectivities and instead on the individual. The changing nature of global economic forces, where conditions of competition, increased mobility and expertise are now a requirement for survival, has resulted in the disappearance of former social guidelines. Each person is now in charge of their own successes and/or failures, as previous rules that once regulated the direction of the social have now vanished (Beck and Beck-Gernsheim, 1995). The dissolving of these parameters has therefore, according to Beck, resulted in the individual being fully responsible for negotiating the various possibilities, opportunities and even dangers of everyday life with little guidance. This process has been labelled the ‘do-it-yourself’ biography, where the individual is solely responsible for his or her own actions and livelihood (Beck and Beck-Gernsheim, 1995, 2002). As a result, personal relationships are a site of such individualizing tensions, constantly being remade and evaluated.

Risk appears to take on an equalizing effect for Beck, as every individual is subject to the same types and possibilities of risk. However, Beck fails to recognize the diversity within the general population, and that individualization could actually contribute to some experiencing more risk than others (Lash, 1993). Additionally, the destructive risks described by Beck, such as environmental disasters, are claimed to be solely the product of second modernity. Yet, as Lash (1993) observes, environmental disasters and catastrophes have...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Title
• Copyright
• Contents
• Preface
• 1 Introduction: making sense of modernity in China
• 2 ‘Socialism with Chinese characteristics’: women and economic reform
• 3 ‘At fifteen, we know nothing!’: approaches and attitudes to sex education and sexuality
• 4 ‘All they want is a sexy ayi’: dating and intimate relationships
• 5 ‘It’s like an unspoken rule’: exploring the continuing expectation of marriage
• 6 Conclusion
• Appendix: summary of participant information
• Glossary of key terms and phrases
• Index