Chapter One
Messiaen and Cocteau
Stephen Broad
I didnât approve at all of the movement led by Cocteau â Iâm not speaking of Cocteau the poet or film director, but of the Cocteau of Coq et lâarlequin, the torchbearer of a certain musical renewal, supposedly a simplification that took Gounod as a starting point and stumbled in the âreturn to Bachâ.
Samuel, 1994, pp. 112â13
Messiaen â âcomposer-rhythmician-ornithologistâ â is a figure we instinctively feel we know. In a time of scepticism he was the musical visionary; in an urban world he was the âornithologist-composerâ; in a complex and secular age he was the âsimple man of faithâ. Our understanding of the composer is underpinned by the sense that he stood apart from the rest of the twentieth century, that he was somehow different. This notion is deeply ingrained: the entry on Messiaen in the second edition of The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, for example, begins simply: âHe was a musician apartâ (Griffiths, 2001, p. 491).
Of the well-known episodes in Messiaenâs life, one in particular seems to be most at odds with the idea of the âmusician apartâ. This is Messiaenâs collaboration with Yves Baudrier, AndrĂ© Jolivet and Daniel-Lesur as La Jeune France. Although the impetus for its formation has been interpreted in a number of ways, most commentators cite a desire to counter the prevailing aesthetic of neoclassicism as espoused by its leading impresario and figurehead, Jean Cocteau.
It is surprisingly difficult to find such a direct explanation from Messiaen himself. Nonetheless, the quotation at the head of this chapter confirms that Messiaen disapproved of Cocteau and with the ethos of neoclassicism â indeed, Messiaen comments elsewhere in the same interview that no valid works have sprung from neoclassicism (Samuel, 1994, p. 195). In this essay I aim to trace and reassess Messiaenâs relationship to neoclassicism and Cocteau by reference to contemporary writing by Messiaen, mostly through his articles for the French and Belgian musical press, written between 1936 and 1939. While some of this journalism is well-known (such as Messiaenâs article for Revue musicale on Dukasâs Ariane et Barbe-bleue), much of it has only recently come to light, allowing an appraisal of this fascinating relationship to be made for the first time.
It is difficult to imagine two creative people more different in style and temperament than Olivier Messiaen and Jean Cocteau. Cocteauâs wild enthusiasm for all kinds of artistic work strikes a great contrast with Messiaenâs single-minded course through music. Likewise, the high profile that Cocteau maintained for nearly half a century stands in contrast to the self-effacing Messiaen. Where there are a relatively small number of photographs of Messiaen, Cocteau is one of the most readily recognizable artists of the twentieth century. Cocteauâs biographer, Francis Steegmuller, enumerates the many photographs of his subject, giving at the same time a flavour of the man: In The Harlequin Years, his eloquent survey of musical life in Paris in the decade following the Great War, Roger Nichols shows Cocteauâs emergence as âtorchbearerâ of the new aesthetic in the context of a musical culture that had already been profoundly changed by the punitive shortages of wartime, the perceived superannuation of symbolism and a renewed rejection of all things Germanic (Nichols, 2002, pp. 18â19). The ideas expressed by Cocteau in his manifesto Le Coq et lâarlequin may be seen as representative of the time.
As a slim young pre-1914 aesthete; close to the front in his wartime ambulance-attendantâs uniform, said to have been designed for him by the dressmaker Paul Poiret; posed by Man Ray in Dadaist settings that featured his beautiful hands; speaking into a megaphone during a performance of his spectacle Les MariĂ©s de la Tour Eiffel; surrounded by the composers known as âLes Sixâ; standing with Jean Marais, with the casts of his plays, with Stravinsky, with Picasso, with Edith Piaf, with Colette, with Charlie Chaplin, with the Queen of the Belgians; perched on a ladder painting his murals; wearing his French Academicianâs sword or his Oxford gown: Cocteau was always photographed.
(Steegmuller, 1970, p. 5)
Le Coq remains an extraordinarily effective piece of polemic. The 1918 tract (Cocteau described it as âa little book about musicâ) was self-published in its first edition but quickly sold out. Its relentlessly combative aphorisms hit out wildly in many different directions, while the exaggerated perspective of its lampooning portrays a French musical edifice teetering under its own weight. Although it can seem incoherent in places, it nonetheless makes persuasive reading. Cocteau contrasts the proud French coq with the sad arlequin, a caricature of eclecticism that plays on a clever pun: the word arlequin also refers to a meal made up of left-overs and therefore implies that eclecticism is similarly second-hand. Le Coq was influential to a generation of composers, uniting Les Six and laying the foundations for neoclassicism.
Although few trends escape Cocteauâs rapier attacks, he is particularly scathing of the music that had dominated Paris before the Great War. Cocteau adopts Satie as a musical figurehead for his ideas and flippantly satirizes Debussy and Wagner: âPellĂ©as is ⊠music to be listened to with oneâs head in oneâs hands. All music which has to be listened to through the hands is suspect. Wagner is typically music which is listened to through the handsâ (Cocteau, 1972, p. 318). The musical clichĂ©s and sensibilities of impressionism are ridiculed, and a neat sideswipe is made at Debussy by reference to his professed love of violet (also Messiaenâs favourite colour): Despite being âanti-eclecticâ, Cocteau claims diverse kinds of popular music as sources of âfertilizationâ (though he does not make it clear why this is not in itself a kind of eclecticism): âThe music-hall, the circus, and American Negro bands, all these things fertilize an artist just as life doesâ (Cocteau, 1972, p. 312). Above all, Cocteau calls for a music that reflects its times: âThe function of art is to seize the spirit of the ageâ (Cocteau, 1972, p. 312). Cocteau, then, would have music that echoed the era of the motor car and the aeroplane, Picasso and jazz hot, the cinema and the phonograph.
Impressionist musicians thought the orchestra in Parade poor, because it had no sauce. ⊠For the majority of artists a work cannot be beautiful without an intrigue of mysticism, love or boredom.
(Cocteau, 1972, p. 314)1
The Impressionists feared bareness, emptiness, silence. Silence is not necessarily a hole; you must use silence and not a stopgap of vague noises. Black shadow â black silence. Not violet silence, interspersed with violet shadows.
(Cocteau, 1972, p. 311)2
By the mid-1930s the tendencies that had been set in motion by the trends Nichols identifies and given momentum by Cocteauâs manifesto had become the basis of the prevailing aesthetic in France. In a relatively short period, the ideas of the firebrand Cocteau had become firmly embedded in musical culture: the neoclassical revolutionaries had, in a sense, become the new musical establishment. It was against this new order that the four young composers of La Jeune France now rebelled.
The group was the initiative of Yves Baudrier, who approached Messiaen with the idea (and the funds) to form an alliance that would champion the ideal of a return to the spiritual in music and make a conscious effort to reject the largely neoclassical consensus. They launched themselves with an impressive concert and a splash of publicity in June 1936 and went on to offer concerts of various kinds for about eight years. Led by Baudrier, La Jeune France collaborated on a manifesto laying out the aims of the group, and this was printed in the programme of their first concert. It is not, as has been suggested by some, a point-by-point repudiation of Le Coq â given the riotous nature of Le Coq, such a systematic rejection would be impossible â but it does reject Cocteauâs key ideas. It begins thus:
As the conditions of life become more and more hard, mechanical and impersonal, music must relentlessly bring its spiritual violence and its generous reactions to those who love it.3
This bears comparison with the following passage from Le Coq et lâarlequin: The Jeune France composers reject two of Cocteauâs ideas here. First, they explicitly reject the notion that music should be related to âthe spirit of the ageâ; second, they allude to the images of âmachinery and American buildingsâ, which Cocteau has united with classical art, and reject them in their characterization of life as becoming âhard, mechanical and impersonalâ. Cocteauâs opposition to âsuperfluityâ and âthe beauty of the Uselessâ is countered by La Jeune Franceâs reference to âgenerous reactionsâ. Where Cocteau would eschew the superfluous, La Jeune France revels in âgenerosityâ. âGenerosityâ is clearly an important theme for the group, since the phrase is repeated twice in the course of the short manifesto. Yet it is unclear exactly what is intended by the âgenerous reactionsâ that La Jeune France promote without knowledge of the similar, but contrasting image of superfluity in Le Coq.
Machinery and American buildings resemble Greek art in so far as their utility endows them with an aridity and a grandeur devoid of any superfluity. But they are not art. The function of art is to seize the spirit of the age and extract from the contemplation of this practical aridity an antidote to the beauty of the Useless, which encourages superfluity.
(Cocteau, 1972, p. 312)
So, we can read Messiaenâs participation in La Jeune France (and his signature on the manifesto) as an engagement of sorts with some of the debates that Cocteau had set in motion some seventeen years earlier. However, Messiaen later made a curious attempt to put some distance between himself and the Jeune France manifesto, and to play down the significance of the group: âI wasnât in complete agreement with that Manifesto ⊠The whole thing [La Jeune France] lasted only two or three years. When war broke out, we became separated from each otherâ (RöĂler, 1986, p. 105). Messiaenâs comment on the limited extent of his engagement with La Jeune France seems consistent with the image of a composer who avoids becoming involved in the grubby realities of day-today musical politics. Manifestos, positions and polemics all seem far removed from the Messiaen we feel we know. (Messiaenâs comment that La Jeune France lasted only two or three years is rather more perplexing â since we know this is not the case.)
We might be drawn to conclude that Messiaenâs role in La Jeune France was relatively limited â at least in the context of the groupâs engagement in the aesthetic manoeuverings of the day. Certainly Messiaenâs extensive series of interviews with Claude Samuel, which represent the composerâs considered views on his musical outlook and himself, go a long way to support this assumption and, therefore, suggest that the episode has limited importance to our understanding of the composer. Neither the original interviews of 1967 (English edition 1976), nor the considerably revised and extended 1986 version (English edition 1994) mentions La Jeune France at all. Fortunately, however, we need not rely entirely on the composerâs later pronouncements for an insight into this fascinating episode, because Messiaenâs journalism (from the time of La Jeune France) allows us a different perspective on his relationship to neoclassicism and Jean Cocteau. This journalism reveals a very different picture.
One of Messiaenâs better-known writings from the 1930s is a short piece on Stravinskyâs rhythmic procedures for La Revue musicale in 1939. The article contains a biting sideswipe at neoclassicism that seems rather uncharacteristic.
It is strange that, while Stravinsky has exerted a powerful influence over his immediate contemporaries in the dual domains of polytonality and sumptuous orchestration, he has rarely done so in that of rhythm. They admire his rhythms, but it is a lazy admiration, complacent and fruitless. The lamentable bars of 3 and 4 that are the habitual sickness of our Parisian concerts are proof of this. As for the young composers, they have followed a very different path from their elders â they have returned to the sensual and the spiritual.
(Messiaen, 1939d, pp. 91â2)4
Writing in 1985, Paul Griffiths incorporated this unexpectedly severe pronouncement into the familiar narrative as an inconsequential aberration, the exception that proved the rule:
The harsh judgement on neoclassical aesthetics could have come from any of the members of La Jeune France [sic]. For Messiaen, however, this was not only his first but also his last engagement in polemics. His halfhearted career as a public musician â writing essays, backing manifestos, accepting commissions, composing for the conventional concert world â was at an end.
(Griffiths, 1985, p. 76)
When the Stravinsky essay is seen in the light of Messiaenâs other writings, the pot-shot at neoclassicism quoted above is revealed to be no isolated case: in fact, Messiaen waged a subtle, but sustained and public campaign against neoclassicism through his journalism for some three years between 1936 and 1939.
In the article on Stravinsky, Messiaen bemoans the âlamentableâ squareness of the rhythms employed in the music that he hears around him, employing the striking image of a âsicknessâ infecting new music. It is clear that for Messiaen, issues in musical language are inseparable from the wider concerns of his aesthetic outlook, and rhythm becomes a symbol of the void that Messiaen considers to lie at the heart of neoclassicism. He sees rhythmic blandness as the most obvious indication of the artistic paucity of neoclassicism on the one hand and (presumably, his own) rh...