VEILED THREATS: DECENTERING AND UNIFICATION IN TRANSNATIONAL NEWS COVERAGE OF THE FRENCH VEIL BAN
Barbara Friedman and Patrick Merle
In October 2010, France approved a law banning the Islamic veil in all public areas, asserting the republican principle of laicitĂ©. This cross-cultural analysis applies Muhlmannâs theoretical framework to French and US news coverage from March 2004 to October 2010 in order to discern whether coverage featured unifying frames invoking shared values; or decentering frames challenging consensual views and presenting alternative contexts.
Introduction
In April 2011, France became the first European country to impose a ban on full-face veils in public areas. French President Nicolas Sarkozy cited the veilâs âthreat to the dignity of womenâ (Herald 2010) and its âunacceptability in French societyâ (Steven Erlanger 2010a). Public debate exacerbated concerns over immigration, nationalism, secularism, security, and sexuality, with various interests, including news organizations, taking part. Veils were âquite literally the sites of a power struggle over national, cultural, and religious identityâ (Bradford Vivian 1999, pp. 116â117).
In 2004, the French national assembly overwhelmingly approved a ban on Muslim headscarves and other âconspicuousâ religious symbols in public schools (Los Angeles Times 2004b). The measure was preceded by school officialsâ repeated efforts to force Muslim girls to remove their headscarves, even after Franceâs State Council upheld the right of religious expression in public schools (Le Parisien 2003). Critics of the veil viewed the garment as a symbol of Muslim societyâs refusal âto engage in what were taken to be the ânormalâ protocols of interaction with members of the opposite sexâ (Joan Wallach Scott 2007, p. 154). Additionally, Interior Minister Claude Gueant said the ban represented an effort to defend the principle of secularism and the principle of gender. Opponents accused Sarkozy of fostering Islamophobia and using the law for political gain (Alison Culliford 2010).
This study examines news coverage of Franceâs veil ban in US and French newspapers, adopting the novel framework of journalismâs unifying and decentering tendencies (Geraldine Muhlmann 2008). A cross-national comparison is appropriate since France has the largest Muslim minority in Western Europe and by 2030 the US will have a larger number of Muslims than any European country other than Russia and France (Pew Forum 2011). Understanding the ways in which the mass media have represented the French veil ban to audiences illuminates the link between media and social cohesion.
Literature Review
State, Religion, and the Public Sphere
The Separation Law, an act separating church and state promulgated in 1905 and prevalent today, constitutes the foundation of Franceâs veil ban. The law âensures freedom of conscience ⊠free exercise of religion,â yet âit neither recognizes nor subsidies any religion.â Thus, France as a laĂŻque state divulges no preferences toward any religious denominations. This principle of state neutrality, resting on a particular view of the public sphere, differs from American separation of church and state. Cecile Laborde (2003) argues that loyalty to the republican state represents a contingent condition to laĂŻcitĂ©. Limitations in the public sphere, including those to religious expression, are thus justified by the Stateâs role as guardian of public well-being. By comparison, US citizens view religion as a personal freedom and the public sphere as a protected space for religious expression, with few exceptions. Veiling is permissible under US laws protecting religious expression and prohibiting discrimination, yet it has been an âeasy targetâ of authoritiesâ post-9/11 focus (Alia Abdo 2008, p. 441).
Mass Media and the Veil
Ideas about the veil are informed by notions of Orientalism and otherness, including a modern-era view of âIslam as a form of barbarismâ (Nancy Hirschmann 1997, p. 464). Although veiling is not limited to Islam, it has come to function as a kind of shorthand for the âproblems of Islamâ (Helen Watson 1994, p. 153) and as a âsymbol of Muslim womenâs oppressionâ (p. 142). The veil âis simply a symbol ⊠the outward manifestation of a particular religious interpretationâ (Sheida Shirvani 2002, p. 269).
Prior to the US invasion of Afghanistan, the all-enveloping burqa had become a discursive shorthand for womenâs secondary status and, moreover, part of a justification for military action (Elizabeth Klaus & Susanne Kassel 2005; Sujata Moorti & Karen Ross 2002). When, after the Taliban fell, women did not cast aside the burqa in accordance with a Western conceptualization of an Afghan womenâs liberation, photographs of unveiled women nonetheless circulated widely, providing âglimpses of an uncommon social reality in Afghanistanâ (Shahira Fahmy 2004, p. 108). âThe issue of the veil was secondary to issues of security, financial stability, and educationâ (Annabelle Sreberny 2002, p. 272), yet the media were slow to make this connection, even in regions where veiling is common (Sam Cherribi 2006; Myra Macdonald 2006).
Unifying and Decentering
This work focuses on the unifying and decentering tendencies of journalism described by Muhlmann (2008). Journalism has evolved over time to regard its audience as âa unified entity, or at least as an entity that is capable of being unifiedâ (p. 9). Narratives tend to manifest common values and prevailing viewpoints, thus creating for the audience an âexperience by proxyâ (p. 10). âThe socio-political aim of unifying,â is to produce âa collectively acceptable gaze that conforms to the general norms of the âpublicââ (p. 10). Teun Van Dijk refers similarly to âlocal coherenceâ (1988, p. 61) in which discourse creates meaning that seems commonsense and thus reveals societyâs underlying assumptions and values. Mediaâs unifying function is related to community building (Daniel Hallin 1986). In short, to define and concretize a community, journalists endeavor to provide the largest possible audience with a palatable truth.
Muhlmann (2008) argues that journalists have exercised this unifying power by assuming the role of a trusted eyewitness who experiences the world and speaks on the audienceâs behalf: the âwitness-ambassador.â In its most explicit form, this witness-ambassador refers to herself in the first person, as a columnist might do. However, the role can be fulfilled when journalists conduct interviews and are presumed to be asking questions on behalf of the audience; or when they expose wrongdoing, forcing the audience to reconstitute itself as a community with shared values.
Conversely, some journalists and news organizations have challenged dominant perspectives and provided other ways of seeing; for example, the ânew journalistsâ of the 1890s and 1960s, or post-9/11 alternative journalism. This decentering role, Muhlmann explains, sets journalists
apart from âusâ at the outset, so that they can address us as âyou.â They say to their readers: what I see is precisely what you do not see and probably cannot easily see, so profoundly does it challenge your usual categories; it is because I exclude myself from you, and because I am not like you, that I see. (2008, p. 29)
The decentering journalist embraces her ânon-belongingâ and writes from a singular standpoint to undermine the ideological sameness of the audience and, perhaps, the journalism profession.
These complex processes are especially relevant to the veil, a discursive symbol that problematizes ways of seeingâwhether related to the mutual gaze typically present in human interaction (Erving Goffman, 1966), the perceived willingness of a minority group to assimilate within a dominant culture, or the willingness of the dominant culture to accept a minority group, or the homogeneity of the typical newsroom (Robert Carle 2004; Elizabeth Fernea 1993).
Method
This analysis examined articles p...