1
Sociological Theory and Focus of Investigation
The twentieth century has been characterized by both a multitude and diversity of social movements, ranging from poor peasant revolutions that attempt to change national political organization, to groups focusing upon religious resurgence in industrialized nations. Within the latter context, the opportunities for motivated groups to form are many. The options for social movements to continue to be fueled by the same degree of passion that inspired them to appear, however, is limited. The important potential of a social movement to transform individual lives and even whole societies has generated many analytic studies and much theory.
The Catholic Worker Movement contains elements which are facets in a number of typologies and classification Schemas of social movements, yet as a group it fits no particular format. Rather, the most useful understanding of the Catholic Worker can be obtained by focusing on the social dynamicsâinternal and externalâthat have been influential in shaping the movement, particularly since the death of its last charismatic founder, Dorothy Day, in 1980.
Historically, social movements like the Catholic Worker come into existence and grow around powerful, charismatic leaders. Such were Peter Maurin and Dorothy Day for the first five decades of its existence. The Catholic Worker under their leadership considered itself to be a group which was anarchistic in its internal organization and committed to communal Utopian goals. According to the classic Weberian perspective, the Catholic Worker Movement has had time to develop the rational organizational forms which would allow it to continue after the loss of its charismatic leaders (Weber, 1947). But, the movement has not followed an inevitable course toward routinization or bureaucratic development as theorized by Weber. Instead, two important components of the Catholic Worker ideology, its anarchism and agrarian traditionalism, have allowed this group to survive, and precluded the development of a bureaucratic structure. The central question, then, is how the movement has perpetuated itself. The answer to this question lies in the analysis of pertinent literature on social movements, leadership and organizational structure, and commitment which reveals the unique characteristics of the Catholic Worker Movement.
Social Movements Literature
The literature on social movements helps us to understand how the Catholic Worker came into existence in American society. Collective behavior, specifically in the form of social movements, create social change (Turner and Killian, 1957:308-09). However, social movements are also created by social change that take away opportunities or create expectations faster than the opportunities for reaching the expectations are created, which result in relative deprivations (Davies, 1969:690-750; Gurr, 1970; Morrison, 1971:675-90; Mauss, 1975). The social unrest and economic depression of the 1930âs provided the major reasons for the Maurin-Day effort.
Nevertheless, it is incorrect to suggest that a social movement is nothing more than a group of people banding together to effect any kind of social change, in either a moderate or radical fashion (Blumer, 1951:167-222; Smelser, 1963). If taken in this way, social movements would be analogous to physical behavior, which implies movement by a body of internal energy without any intended reason or purpose. Socialized individuals count on the social order to provide guidance as to what ends are available and what means are acceptable to gain intended ends. If a society fails to satisfy basic needs and to provide a stable framework in which daily activities can be carried on, individuals may challenge the social order (Wood, 1982:6). The result can be some kind of noncomformity which, depending on how it is evaluated by others in the society, may cause them to be punished as criminals as were Maurin and Day in their early wanderings (Lifton, 1981). But, if the dissatisfaction is shared by and communicated by others, then a social movement may develop (Faris, 1952; Smelser, 1963:270-381; Morrison, 1967; Blumer, 1978:1-54). The key features that serve to make the collectivity move toward its ends include: the recognition of commonly-held dissatisfactions, the belief in their (membersâ) ability to reshape the course of their lives, the belief that bonding together to change something is both possible and plausibly effective (Cameron, 1966; Swanson, 1970; Oberschall, 1973, 1980; Klandermans, 1984).
Ideology is indeed an important element needed to promote change. It is a system of ideas and values in the form of doctrines and beliefs (Gould, 1964:315; Marx and Holzner, 1977). The ideology essential to any social movement according to Hopper (1950:270-79); includes the following dimensions:
A series of objectives, purposes and assumptions upon which the movement is based.
A value system that criticizes, and in instances, condemns the existing social order.
A framework within which its own position is justified.
A body of beliefs which designs policies and strategies in order to attain its desired goals.
Succinctly put, a social movement consists of a vision, a belief in a different state of affairs and a vehicle devoted to the attainment of this vision (Blumer, 1946; Faris, 1952; Lang and Lang, 1961; McLaughlin, 1969:4). Also, â[i]t is evident that it is the function of ideology to give an answer to the . . . discontent of the peopleâ (Hopper, 1950:276). Furthermore, if it is adhered to by members so intensely as to become passions, it is then capable of generating actions for alterations within the society (Smelser, 1963). This was certainly the intent of Maurin and Day in promoting their blend of Catholicism and socialism. Yet, ideology is also a process, not always clearly defined, but rather in phases of development (Hopper, 1950:276; Bendix, 1964:294-327). As we will see in detail in the following chapters, the elimination of poverty through Christian charity and service was eventually linked to pacifist strategies. Though typically these tasks are undertaken through a formal organization, the Catholic Worker was anarchistic in nature which at times had threatening repercussions to the survival of the group. The discontent which the Catholic Worker Movement addressed extended from the worst economic deprivation in American history to the moral rejection of warfare. Day found in Catholicism the ideological justification for both stands and her writings communicated this integration of goals to a diverse membership of indigents and intellectuals.
As a movement begins to take shape, members develop a characteristic social order (Stallings, 1973). This order includes patterns of behavior and symbols whose purposes are for identification and solidarity. During this period there is development of leadership, and a division of labor (Turner and Killian, 1957; Lang and Lang, 1961:507-42). These are imperative in order for the movement to implement activities which coincide with values and norms of the members that make up the group. The active nucleus of the movement is a leadership group which consists of a number of individuals who are committed in varying degrees to the same mission and who have definite roles within the organization (Sherif and Sherif, 1956; Killian, 1964:430; Zald and McCarthy, 1977:1212-39). Apart from Maurin and Day, the fixity of roles in the Catholic Worker is not evident. If anything, the group shunned hierarchical organization and strove for spontaneity under the aegis of their two leaders.
It is not the intention of this investigation to develop at length or in detail either the phases of development social movements pass through, or the alternative courses of action that a social group of this nature may follow. However, it needs to be stated that not all social movements expect their intended change, or follow what has been termed the âlife cycleâ of such groups (Lang and Lang, 1961; Mauss, 1975). At any given point within the movementâs development, if any of the above mentioned components are not met, the group is apt to go out of existence. On the other hand, if the movement has included in its formation the previously discussed dimensions, it cannot be classifed as âsuccessful.â It is necessary to recognize that a movement which continues to exist, may have pursued one of the following alternative courses of action:
The movement may have made adjustments or changes in its ideology, purpose, goals, and/or organizational form due to internal and external factors. In short, it may have become something which was not conceived of in its formative stages in an effort to perpetuate itself instead of its original reason for being, thus becoming a social movement organization (Zakuta, 1964; Zald and Ash, 1966).
As time passes, dissatisfaction on the part of the membership may be expressed, either because they no longer believe in the ideology, or perceive that the tactics utilized by the group are ineffective in attaining the goals of the social movement. The consequence is dissipation rather than participation, and/or its members become part of another movement, more radical in ideology and tactics (Bell, 1963; Meyers, 1971).
When society accepts the social movementâs vision or goals, in total or in part, whereby its elements become incorporated into the social structure or institutionalized, the movement may either dissipate as a social movement per se, or become a social organization which usually adopts the outlook and tactics of larger society (Blumer, 1939; Dawson and Gettys, 1948; Hopper, 1950; Brewer, 1957).
To summarize: the above patterns are alternative courses of action among social movements which result in ultimately the same point, a change in its organizational structure. The transitions within the social movements may lead to its development as a movement-organization, its dissolution, or its incorporation into the social structure of society.
The Catholic Worker Movement is a group which does not view itself as following any of these patterns; instead it sees itself as a group which has remained faithful in ideological purpose and organizational form. The present investigation is designed to discover and examine what elements within the Catholic Worker have changed, if any, that have enabled it to exist for over fifty years, particularly during the last six years without the guidance of any charismatic founder.
Charisma and Formal Organization
What happens, however, when a leadership ceases expressing anarchy and leaves the membership to carry on the social organization? Max Weberâs contributions in the areas of authority, charisma, routinization, and crisis of continuity are essential in investigating the Catholic Worker leadership. These concepts apply to both the social movement and service commune aspects of the organization. According to Weber:
The term âcharismaâ will be applied to a certain quality of an individual personality by virtue of which he is set apart from ordinary men and treated as endowed with supernatural, super human or at least specifically exceptional powers or qualities. These are such as are not accessible to the ordinary person, but are regarded as of divine origin or as exemplary, and on the basis of them the individual concerned is treated as a leader (Weber, 1947:358-59).
In other words, the success of charisma is essentially dependent on two dimensions. The first, psychological, implies that the origin is from the inner dynamism of the leaderâs personality, not only as the medium of the message, but rather being the message (Tucker, 1968: 751). The second, sociological, suggests that charisma is dependent upon peoplesâ recognition of a leaderâs qualities and collectively decide to offer devotion and deference by means of following the leadership. Wilson suggests that a social movement which is led by a charismatic leader is less prone to schisms, because the function of the leader is a symbol of unification. This then, serves as a mark of identification and a point of reference which âin a sense . . . personalizes the sacred for the movementâ (Wilson, 1973:209). However, a leader of this type, as Weber points out is someone for whom an established role does not exist.
Charismatic Authority is thus specifically outside the realm of everyday routine and the profane sphere. In this respect, it is sharply opposed to rational, and particularly bureaucratic, authority ... the charismatic type is the direct antithesis to this. . . . Charismatic Authority is specifically irrational in the sense of being foreign to all rules (Weber, 1947:361).
A charismatic leader then, is instrumental in bringing about change because of qualities of creativeness and spontaneity, and because this leadership usually comes to the forefront when social change is needed (Shils, 1965; Shils, 1968:386-90; Berger, 1968). Maurin and Day established a unified leadership by creating parental roles for themselves which resolved the tensions between the social conventions of the 1930s and their ideological stance of anarchy.
At the first stages, social arrangements are fluid, as the roles are differentiated and rules are typically redefined as situations change (Hopper, 1950; Lang and Lang, 1961; Turner and Killian, 1972:253-55). The group of enthusiastic followers who are closely associated with the leader because they are prepared to devote themselves to the âcauseâ are given positions and responsibilities within the group based upon their loyalty to the leader (Weber, 1947:367; Shils, 1965:199-213). As time passes and membership increases, the movement has to provide for their needs (Zakuta, 1964; Marx and Wood, 1975; Theobald, 1980). Therefore, the leader must be something of a diplomat in order to act as an intermediary between the movement and society to raise funds to ensure the survival of the group (Weber, 1947:369).
The informal authority to make and enforce demands within the group, is personal and relies on intimate relationships. The degree to which movements become an organization is dependent partly on how much the members want it and how they conceive organization (Wilson, 1973:267-69; Wood, 1982:3-4). Regardless of how far along in the development of formal structures within the group, the leader, though responsible to his followers â... is free from institutional accountability. [Since] His charismatic career has been built on opposition to the operations of existing institutions to the status quo...â (Nelson, 1971:364). However, Weber asserted that the life of the group can only continue if it evolves into a bureaucratic structure.
Recruitment of Members
The routinization of charisma institutionalizes to a degree the goals and guiding myths of the organization. It provides a change also in who is allowed membership and in the incentive for participation in the group. âThe original basis for recruitment is the personal charisma. With routinization, the followers or disciples may set up norms for recruitment ... [where] only a proved novice is allowed to exercise authorityâ (Weber, 1947:367). Initially, gratification was related to the âmythicâ stature of the leader and the opportunity to participate with him. Later it becomes gratification obtained by the performance of ritual and participation in a moral cause (Wilson, 1961:291-303; Zakuta, 1964:52; Zald and Ash, 1966:327-41). âWith the process of routinization the charismatic group tends to develop into one of the forms of everyday authority, particularly the patrimonial form in its decentralized variant or the bureaucraticâ (Weber, 1947:369; Hiller, 1975:342-58).
Following the death of a charismatic leader, if there is a well developed bureaucratic structure within the social movement, there will be less transformation within the organization than in a movement that was less bureaucratic (Bittner, 1963; Talmon, 1965). However, there are three types of change that may take place in either case:
The membership numbers may decrease beca...