Is psychology different from other sciences? Many of its theoretical problems are based on such a belief. What particular problems does the nature of its subject matter raise and how may they be resolved? In this chapter we shall introduce a number of issues that will be dealt with in more detail later in the book and indicate the main approaches to be taken to them. Our first concern will be to consider psychology as science and what assumptions underlie such treatment. For convenience, these may be classified as: (1) metaphysical â fundamental views about the nature of the subject matter, (2) theoretical â relating to the nature of scientific theories, and (3) methodological â pertaining to observation and experimentation.
The scientific treatment of psychology assumes that its subject matter, the behaviour of humans and other animals, is similar in relevant respects to the subject matter of other sciences, namely, other natural phenomena. Human behaviour is indeed one of the most recently added areas of scientific investigation, partly due to theological objections: it was formerly considered sacred and not appropriate subject matter for science. (For the history of, and rationale for, the dichotomy between human beings as the possessors of a soul and reason, and other animals whose behaviour is guided by instinct, see Beach, 1955.) This dichotomy was challenged by Darwinâs assertion of continuity between human and infrahuman species, which led to the âbrutalisation of Manâ and the âhumanisation of animalsâ (Peters, 1953).
An important respect in which this similarity must be assumed is that of determinism, which implies that behaviour is caused and is therefore predictable in principle. This appears to raise a difficulty for free will (how can a person be âfreeâ if behaviour is completely determined?) and similarly for moral responsibility (how can people be held responsible for their actions or praise and blame be apportioned?). Possible resolutions of this dilemma will be discussed in Chapter 2,1 where it will be argued that the obverse of determinism is randomness, that free will may require rather than preclude determinism (the issue becoming one of the nature rather than the existence of determination) and that determinism does not imply compulsion, coercion or any mysterious force.
Determinism does imply predictability, at least in principle though not necessarily in practice. It is interesting to speculate as to whether our failures to predict are due to lack of skill on our part or the inherent nature of the subject matter. One successful prediction does not imply determinism (one might predict correctly by chance) but repeated successful prediction does imply an underlying regularity.
There are, however, a number of difficulties here, namely, areas of unpredictability. One of these is the possibility of the falsification of predictions (which has sometimes been used as an argument in favour of, or at least a test of, free will). The process of making a prediction may be subject to interfering effects which invalidate it. Attempts to take these into account lead to an infinite regress. A similar difficulty arises from Gödelâs theorem, which demonstrates that within some consistent systems of logic there are propositions that can be seen to be true but are not provable within the system. Neither of these, it will be argued, endangers determinism but both suggest that there are limits to the possible completeness of descriptions.
A discovery in quantum mechanics, namely, Heisenbergâs uncertainty principle, threw doubt on the universality of determinism: at the level of sub-atomic physics there are certain conjugate properties such as the position and momentum of a particle that cannot be simultaneously determined. Thus, there is some evidence for indeterminism in some aspects of the universe. The implications of this micro-level for the macro-level of human behaviour are, however, remote and obscure to say the least.
The possibility of prediction raises the possibility of control, and the consequent ethical problems of deciding who does the controlling, frequently levelled against Skinnerâs Utopia (Skinner, 1948, 1971). In a symposium with Rogers (1956) the latter points out that science, and Skinner, must presuppose values. Science can investigate the determinants and effects of values and hence may provide knowledge relevant to their selection and implementation (see Day, 1976) but it cannot itself determine what they shall be (see also Heather, 1976, who argues forcefully against the notion that psychology is value free).
A fundamental problem in the philosophy of psychology has been whether laws of a different nature from those that apply to inorganic matter are required. An adequate solution to this problem may depend on advances in the philosophy of biology. Generally in science a mechanistic model has been preferred, which enables the prediction of future events on the basis of antecedent conditions and assumes the universal applicability of causal laws. (It is worth noting, however, that physics has advanced beyond causal explanations. Psychology has frequently sought to ape outdated models from other sciences.) There are a number of features of the behaviour of organisms that have raised doubts about the appropriateness of the mechanistic model. One is purposiveness, essential to survival, which involves flexibility, sensitivity to consequences and the direction of behaviour towards goals; this has tempted explanation by reference to future events. On first sight it looks as though purposive and causal explanations are diametrically opposed and, indeed, many philosophers have taken the view that actions are intentional and fundamentally different from movements or happenings. Much heat has been generated on this question. We shall argue that the two types of explanation are compatible but different. Indeed, purposive phenomena depend on mechanistic ones. It can thus be argued that the truth of a mechanistic account is a necessary but not a sufficient condition for the truth of a purposive one.
This intentionality of behaviour leads on to the issue of consciousness. What treatment it should be afforded in psychology and its relation to behaviour are considered in Chapter 4, and its relation to physiological processes as an aspect of the mind-body problem in Chapter 3. One particularly thorny issue is whether conscious processes should properly be assigned causal efficacy. This view has not found much favour amongst psychologists for a variety of reasons: (1) the difficulty of operationalisation (i.e. specifying observations that would be relevant to the truth of statements about a concept); (2) the difficulty of independent identification of mental states and resulting circularity of explanations in these terms; and (3) the successful prediction of behaviour without recourse to conscious states, though this does not preclude the possibility o...