From Military Rule To Liberal Democracy In Argentina

Monica Peralta-ramos

• Publisher: Routledge
• Year: 2019
• ISBN:
  9780429711787
• Edition: 1
• Topic: History
• Subtopic: Latin American & Caribbean History
• Index: History

Argentina has most of the characteristics that various theories of democracy postulate as prerequisites for achieving liberal democracy: an urban industrial economy, key economic resources under domestic control, the absence of a peasantry, the absence of ethnic or religious cleavages, relatively high levels of education, strong interest groups, an

Part One
Politics, the Economy, and Society

1
Political Movements in Argentina: A Sketch from Past and Present

David Rock

In late January 1984 La Prensa reported on the newly elected Alfonsin government's plan to create a National Forum of Workers (Encuentro Nacional de Trabajadores). The exact form and functions of this body— indeed whether it was any more than just an idea—remained uncertain. But it was widely understood the new government intended to make a determined bid for trade union backing: faced by an enormous foreign debt and by a domestic recession it could hope at best to mitigate but could scarcely avoid, the regime had to act fast to broaden and consolidate its support. The National Forum thus marked the inception of an effort to coopt or divide Peronism, and as the recession deepened to prevent the Peronists from mobilizing a mass working class opposition. Among members of the government memories were still fresh of the events of 1963-1966. At that time a Peronist trade union "Battle Plan" (Plan de Lucha)—mass strikes, street demonstrations, and civil disobedience— had paved the way for a military coup and the downfall of the last Radical constitutional government led by Arturo Illia.

La Prensa, however, regarded the Encuentro Nacional as something more than a mere political tactic, inspired by the lesson of past errors. It interpreted the proposal as signaling the metamorphosis of Alfonsinismo from its base in the Radical Party, (the Unión Cívica Radical), into a "movement," drawing its support from much broader political forces. La Prensa also predicted that this movement would be launched by exploiting the deep-rooted popular antimilitarism that stemmed from "la guerra sucia" of the late 1970s. La Prensa understood a "movement" to imply a form of populist corporatism. "Movimientismo," it declared, is a response to "crisis," and also a transitional political order "while democracy is maturing"; it is typical of a "political culture like the Argentine, which has always been based on highly developed integrative movements," (se ha asentado siempre en el integrismo "movimientista" mds absoluto); an integrative movement means a "society divided up into 'branches' (ramas)—of business persons (empresarios), trade unions, political groups, women's groups, and even organizations of children and old people."¹

No doubt La Prensa's speculations invite some immediate criticisms. Political conditions in Argentina in early 1984 were such that the new constitutional government was shaky from its very beginnings. The regime had to make immediate and energetic efforts to protect itself: increase its support if it could, and continually outmaneuver a strong opposition. Under the circumstances it was quite conceivable that the Alfonsín government might try to utilize the lingering aftershock of extreme military repression to deflect public attention away from current issues, among them hyper-inflation and falling standards of living. But it was difficult to envisage the government permanently buttressing its support on such an emotional and therefore potentially fragile foundation. We might suspect that a better tactic would be to exploit the foreign debt issue, and to attempt to sublimate internal tensions in a nationalist campaign against foreign banks or the international financial institutions.

Secondly, the reference to the "ramas" illustrates La Prensd's well-known paranoia at anything remotely reminiscent of political conditions during the early 1950s. When the Perón regime of 1946-1955 found itself in growing economic and political difficulties after 1948, it began tightening restrictions on the press. The inveterately anti-Peronist La Prensa refused to comply with the censorship. In 1951 the government banished its proprietors and confiscated the newspaper. Soon after Perón sought to impose a tighter and less arbitrary system of political controls, generically defined in Peronist propaganda as "The Organized Community" (la comunidad organizada). Under this plan numerous new corporate associations, entitled uniones, confederaciones, or ramas were formed within the Peronist movement. They each represented such groups as business, the professional classes, women, university and high-school students, and they were additions to a similar type of organization among trade unions and the urban working class. The regime gave these associations equal standing with one another, intending them as vehicles to articulate and process political demands from different sectors. However, the ramas were assembled in such a way under authoritarian Peronist bosses so as to filter and limit such demands. The system also obliged groups seeking government responsiveness to their sectional demands to enter into a relationship of formal subordination. Thus the ramas would help strengthen the regime's authority, and also cushion it against pressures from other corporate associations outside the Peronist movement it had found difficult or impossible to control.

In the event la comunidad organizada was never fully consummated, and the tensions the effort to implement it provoked played a major part in Perón's overthrow in September 1955. Yet in this period Argentina came closest to developing into a full-fledged fascist state. La Prensa remembers Peronism during this era as the highest exemplar of movimientismo, an experience it remains desperately anxious to avoid repeating.²

The obvious error here is to make an exception into the general rule, an aberration into the norm. Proto-totalitarianism along the lines of "The Organized Community" is a possible dénouement of movimientismo, but one neither necessary nor pre-ordained. Yet aside from any specific objections we may make against La Prensa's assessment, its analysis also mirrors some classic and illuminating studies in comparative politics that have examined the movements in numerous locations, both in Latin America and beyond.³ La Prensa is also correct to view the movements, or "movimientismo", as among the most ubiquitous features of twentieth century Argentine politics: were Alfonsinismo to evolve in this form, it would be scarcely setting any precedents. Two great examples of movimientismo overshadow twentieth century Argentine political history: Radicalism or Yrigoyenismo, and the parent of Alfonsinismo on one hand; Peronismo on the other. But besides them are numerous other less important movements, some no more than putative, amounting to little more than plans, adventures, or aspirations.

The Liga Patriótica Argentina, formed in early 1919, acquired some of the traits of a movement on a campaign of nativism, anti-Semitism, and anti-Communism.⁴ During the 1920s Lencinismo and Cantonismo, both of them offshoots of Radicalism, were examples of movements within provinces.⁵ After the 1920s came many other local movements like them: Amadeo Sabbatini's neo-Yrigoyenismo in Córdoba during the 1930s and early 1940s, Manuel Fresco's organization in the province of Buenos Aires before its destruction by President Roberto M. Ortiz in 1940,⁶ and the neo-Peronismo of Felipe Sapag in modern Neuquén. Uriburismo of 1930-1931 was an early example of an intended movement that failed.⁷ In more recent times the examples are almost endless. Movimientismo was among the cardinal features of Arturo Frondizi's various political organizations. Such features germinated during Frondizi's early association with the nationalistic Radical party pressure group, the FORJA, during the late 1930s. They reappeared during Frondizi's government between 1958 and 1962, and they survived in the small splinter party Frondizi has led since 1962, the Movement for Integration and Development (MID).⁸ Movimientista aspirations of a more authoritarian brand were apparent in the corporatist projects of the Onganía regime of 1966-1970.⁹ Former president Pedro E. Aramburu was reportedly plotting to launch a popular movement through his UDELPA party immediately before his kidnap and death in 1970. The Gran Acuerdo Nacional created by President Alejandro A. Lanusse in 1971-1973 was designed to draw the political parties into a coalition to legitimize Lanusse's rule through elections. Much of the strategy of the Montonero guerrillas after 1970 was based on a search for popular support to convert a clandestine band into a mass movement. Finally, movimientismo reappeared once more in the competing populist projects of military leaders—Massera, Viola, Galtieri—in 1979-1982. Since 1955 a score or more political leaders, both civilian and military, have engaged in abortive attempts to spark popular movements to carry them into power.

Movimientismo: Some General Features

Movements are usually erected upon caudillos, and often exemplify the peculiarly Latin American politico-cultural tradition known as "personalism." Movements confer leadership on individuals, whose ideas and personalities are believed to embody a set of general interests or goals. The following citation from Eva Perón's La razón de mi vida shows, using typically sexual and semi-religious imagery, that leaders of movements claim power that is charismatic, sacred, transcendental and authoritarian. Perón, his wife proclaimed:

is a giant condor flying high and sure among the clouds close to God. Had he not descended to me and taught me to fly, I could never have beholden the marvelous and magnificent immensity of my people. And therefore neither my life nor my heart belong to me, and nothing of what I am is my own. All that I am, all that I have, all that I think, and all that I feel is Perón's.¹⁰

Thirty years before Hipólito Yrigoyen claimed a similar authority that also rested upon a symbolic fusion between himself and his supporters. In the eyes of his supporters Yrigoyen incarnated the popular will, and in this guise he became a human metaphor of patriotism. La Epo...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Half Title
• About the Book and Editors
• Title
• Copyright
• Contents
• List of Tables
• Introduction
• PART ONE POLITICS, THE ECONOMY, AND SOCIETY
• PART TWO POLITICS AND CULTURE
• About the Contributors
• Index