Gender, Change and Identity

Mature Women Students in Universities

Barbara Merrill

• Publisher: Routledge
• Year: 2019
• ISBN:
  9780429763755
• Edition: 1
• Topic: Sozialwissenschaften
• Subtopic: Genderforschung

First published in 1999, this volume centres on a case study which looks at the experiences of non-traditional adult women students in universities, from the perspective of the actors. The interaction of structure and agency and the significance of macro and micro levels in shaping the behaviour, attitudes and experiences of women adult students are examined by drawing on three perspectives: feminism, Marxism and interactionism. An underlying question is to what extent did studying change the way participants perceived themselves as women? It relates life histories to their student career as individuals and collectively as subcultural groups. It also breaks new ground by including a sample of male adult students in order to compare and clarify gender issues. It also uses macro and micro sociological theories as a tool for understanding the experiences of women at university and the relationship between their public and private lives. The book concludes that studying for a degree represented an active decision to take greater control, to break free from gender and class restraints, and to transform individual lives. The study aims to clarify and reassert the radical individual traditions within sociology, feminism and adult education.

1
Gender Issues in Adult and Higher Education: Concepts, Perspectives and Research

Despite such empirical and theoretical advances, it is clear that we need to understand more fully the differential access to adult education according to sex and class and the ways in which adult education could respond to the interests of not just the working-class, but women. By doing so, we will understand better the role of adult education in society, and in particular, how it is related to the position of women (McLaren, 1985:22).

Background

An examination of women’s lives, past and present, public and private, as an approach to understanding the experiences of mature women students in universities provides the central framework for this study. Micro and macro sociological theories are integrated to look at how past biographies and gender, class, age and race have impacted upon women’s present social world of university life, family, and in some cases, employment. In doing this I am interested in how the women in this study perceive the student world and how they perceive themselves as students in a middle-class university like Warwick. The world of the university is explored through women’s attitudes and relationships towards, for example, learning, assessment, lecturers, departments and other students. Are the student experiences of adult women distinct from those of adult male students and younger students? To what extent are their lives as mature students constructed by gender? This last question is explored further and problematised by enlarging the scope of this study to assess the impact and inter-relationship between gender and other factors such as class, age and race. As Seidler maintains: ‘It means recognising that, for instance, men and women face different difficulties and situations in their lives, and that these are mediated by relations of class, race and ethnicity’ (Seidler, 1994:91).

While recognising that structural forces such as gender, class and race have played a central role in shaping their lives and experiences in initial schooling, work and marriage, this study examines how, within these constraints, women were able to construct and change their lives in a positive way through learning at degree level. To what extent, therefore, does learning as a mature woman student result in fulfilment, self-realisation and a changed identity? The dialectic between structure and agency becomes a crucial dimension in analysing how womens lives are both shaped by structural forces and their own actions.

This study offers one paradigm for understanding the lives of mature women students in universities. There was not scope to document in depth other approaches, such as the influence of departmental and institutional cultures: parameters had to be set. Brief references, however, are made to lecturer and institutional perspectives as the actions of the mature women students cannot be divorced from these factors. For example, the womens participation and experiences at departmental level provide an insight into lecturers’ attitudes and institutional cultures. This study draws on a comparative United Kingdom (UK)/Belgian research project on the access of adults to universities.

Although this study centres on women, a small sample of men was included in the research to see how far issues and experiences were gendered ones. The inclusion of men necessitated a discussion of masculinity, albeit briefly. Such a dialogue helps to clarify our understanding of femininity. Maynard (1990) forcefully argues that: ‘it is also the case that women and femininity cannot be understood without reference to men and masculinity also. In fact literature written about women which has the most analytical depth is precisely that which has also included an analysis of male privilege and power’ (1990: 283).

In recent years the numbers of adult students in British universities has increased as access and educational opportunities have widened. Those aged 21 years and over consisted of approximately 33% of full-time first year undergraduate students in 1996 compared to approximately 24% in 1980. Mature students, however, are not a homogeneous group. Differences can be identified in terms of mode of study, age, gender, class and ethnicity. Being a young, unmarried mature student is qualitatively different from being an older, married mature student with family responsibilities. These differences are explored through focusing on participants’ life histories by looking at their initial schooling, family, employment and university experiences. Reasons for returning to learn, admissions procedures, learning experiences as mature students, and attitudes towards assessment, lectures and seminars, are also considered. Being a mature student is an important aspect of women’s lives but they also have other commitments. This study locates the experiences of being a mature student within the wider context of their lives by looking at the dynamics between women’s public and private spheres.

This study is sociological. Theories of action and structure; feminism, Marxism and interactionism, are combined and modified in order to obtain a fuller understanding of the experiences of mature women students. In doing this I am drawing on adult education theory and sociological theory.

The bulk of this research draws upon interview and biographical materials. Three categories of mature students at the University of Warwick were studied; part-time, full-time and 2+2. Part-time degree courses at Warwick attract mostly adults who are in either full- or part-time employment as courses are available in the evening. Adults who opt for the traditional three year full-time undergraduate degree have either, for example, gained credits from an Access course or studied for A levels prior to entry. A 2+2 degree is aimed at non-traditional adult students who have been out of the education system for a long time. The first two years of the degree course, equivalent to year one of a traditional three year degree, are taught in local Further Education (FE) colleges. Adults can enter a 2+2 degree course without formal qualifications but they must show that they are capable of degree level study. 2+2 degrees are broader in terms of subjects than a single honours degree at Warwick.

The names of the thirty interviewees have been changed to ensure confidentiality. A summary profile of each participant is outlined in the appendix. References and quotes are also included in the text from questionnaire data taken from a wider sample of mature students at Warwick. The questionnaires were anonymous and in these cases participants are referred to by gender and degree course.

The Invisibility of Women in Adult and Higher Education

This first chapter explores current research and literature on mature women students within adult and continuing education. Higher education has been largely excluded from the research field of gender and education in Britain. At school level the picture is different; gender and education inequality is well documented, mostly by feminist educational researchers such as Spender, Weiner, Arnot, Deem and Sharpe, both empirically and theoretically. Gender inequality, however, does not stop at the end of schooling as higher education is not isolated from the rest of society. Higher education also plays a role in perpetuating and reproducing gender relations as all educational institutions are integral to the culture and structure of society. Parallels can be drawn here with race and higher education.

Gender and higher education in the UK is an under-researched area. Several factors may account for this. Some feminist educationalists, concerned with disadvantaged women, do not appear interested because the girls who make it to university are successful in educational terms and mostly middle-class. They will become the future elite (Wolpe, 1977, Bryne, 1978). Another factor could be the reluctance of academics to investigate their own institutions. Research in this field indicates that women who enter universities as either students, academics or researchers experience sexism and marginalisation (Coates, 1994).

Even though women now account for about fifty per-cent of the university student population in England and Wales, this gender balance is not reflected in the academic and administrative hierarchies within universities. Data collected by the Universities’ Statistical Record (USR) paints a grim picture concerning the position of women academics, including research staff, in universities. Within the ‘old’ universities for 1993–94, 23% of all full-time staff were women. Only 5% of professors, 12% of senior lecturers or readers and 27% of lecturers were women. This virtually excludes women from the decision-making machinery in universities. Full-time female staff are more likely to be on the research side (53%) than males (32%). As Acker asserts, ‘among academics in Britain, women are not only a minority but are found in less secure posts’ (Acker, 1994:135).

Female academics, particularly those in male-dominated departments, experience isolation, marginalisation and exclusion from informal networks (Kanter, 1977, Fogarty et al., 1971):

The barriers to equality encountered by women academics have their roots deep inside the structure of higher education, itself influenced by norms and values of the wider society (Acker, 1994:132).

While the staffing structure remains male-dominated and hierarchical with little sign of change in the near future, there are grounds for more optimism in relation to equal opportunities and the access of adult students. Widening access into higher education has encouraged women, both working and middle-class, to return to study. Reflecting upon this we may find in future that working-class people are more likely to gain entry to university as adults than 18 year olds, particularly as student loans may be an inhibiting factor for younger students. While grant loans are also detrimental to the recruitment of working-class adult students, studying and taking out a loan may still be more appealing than unemployment or returning to low paid unrewarding jobs after a period in the home childrearing. With increasing numbers of women entering universities, as younger and mature students, it is time to address the issues of gender relationships, experiences and inequality within higher education.

Clarifying Terms and Concepts

A wide range of terms and concepts is applied in discussions about the education of adults such as: adult education, lifelong learning, continuing education, recurrent education, non-traditional student. This is not an exhaustive list but it illustrates the complexity and, sometimes, confusion within the field of adult education. Writers frequently refer to these concepts without being precise about their meaning. There is an assumption that the reader has a shared understanding of the language and jargon used. Language, however, is cultural and concepts are not value-free. Concepts may be interpreted differently, depending upon the perspective of the writer or reader.

A difficulty arises, therefore, in defining concepts associated with adult and continuing education, such as lifelong learning, recurrent education, the learning society. Defining the concepts is problematical because the language has become part of a political discourse. Different groups and organisations, nationally and internationally, claim ideological ownership of a particular concept. In order to understand the concept the reader needs to have knowledge of the context in which it is being used and who is using it.

In broad terms, the concepts of lifelong learning and the learning society imply that learning occurs throughout life, replacing the notion of continuing education. Adults can return to learn in educational institutions at different periods in their lives. The dichotomy between initial and adult education is broken down as learning is viewed as a lifelong process. However, lifelong learning is generally discussed in terms of formal rather than informal learning. A closer examination reveals that these concepts are used in a political sense. They originate largely from policy makers in national governments and organisations such as the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO), the Council of Europe, the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) and more recently the European Commission (EC). While appearing liberal, and even radical, they are frequently linked to the economic and political values and needs of a market economy.

In Britain the concepts of lifelong learning and the learning society are used by the Government to promote a specific economic policy which was put into practice by the former Department of Employment. In common with other European countries, Britain’s rapidly changing industry and technology requires different types of skills from its workforce and more frequent upskilling if the economy is to survive and advance. In political terms these concepts relate to the needs of the economy and industry through the provision of vocational education. Lifelong learning is viewed as a cure for economic problems (see the Green Paper, 1998). In educational terms, therefore, the policy translates into a narrow view of learning and education for adults. In 1994 the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) launched a research initiative entitled ‘The Learning Society’ which provided scope for adult education research. An examination of its aims and objectives reveals an interpretation of lifelong learning that favours vocational and accredited learning.

In this study these concepts are used in broader and more radical ways. First, it should be remembered that learning is not confined to formal educational institutions. Learning occurs informally throughout one’s life in the home, workplace and in leisure. Educationalists and employers are now formally recognising this process through Accreditation of Prior Experiential Learning (APEL), although it is still largely restricted to learning in the workplace. This may exclude some women who acquire a range of skills and knowledge through motherhood and childrearing.

Lifelong learning in an ideal world should be recognised as an entitlement for all adults should they wish to return to learning at whatever level of study. Unfortunately economic, educational and political barriers make it difficult for certain social groups and classes to participate (McGivney, 1993). Education has the potential to empower adults (Freire, 1972), particularly those disadvantaged by the inequalities of initial education. Many of the 2+2 degree students in this study failed to achieve their potential in initial schooling because of educational, class, gender and race inequalities. Adult education offers such adults the opportunity to fulfil ambitions and realise their educational potential. Adult education, however, remains largely accessed by the middle-classes who may already have achieved high levels of education (Cross, 1981 and Woodley, Wagner et al., 1987).

This study focuses on mature students and, in particular, non-traditional adult women students. The research concentrates on adult students in universities and more specifically, on women taking degree courses. At university level the definition of a mature student is clear: 21 and over at undergraduate level and 25 and over at postgraduate level. Non-traditional students form one element among mature students. The term, ‘non-traditional student’ refers to adults who enter university without the traditional qualification of A levels but have alternative entry ‘qualifications’. These may include Access course credits, one A level, vocational qualifications, APEL or, as in the case of Warwick’s 2+2 degrees, evidence of recent study or the capacity to study for a degree. Many non-traditional students have been out of the formal education system for several years. I also use the term in a wider sense to include particular social groups such as: working class women, working-class and black people who are under-represented in higher education. Like Weil (1989) I have misgivings about the term ‘non-traditional student’. While it is helpful in pointing out inequalities in relation to class, gender and race and the need to redress the balance there is the danger that non-traditional students become stereotyped or marginalised, particularly within ‘old’ universities. Labelling them as non-traditional implies that they are different to other students in a negative sense. By categorising them as a separate group, prejudices may arise on entry with admissions tutors acting as ‘gatekeepers’. Although the discourse of non-traditional adult student has been criticised for its negativity (Williams, 1997) nothing has been forthcoming to replace the term.

The final concept pertinent to this research is access. Early debates about widening access for adults into higher education centred around student numbers and concern to fill courses. ‘Current rhetoric about access to HE (higher education) is concerned with securing adult students for institutions rather than adapting institutions’ (Percy, 1988: 119). Economic pragmatism, rather than a desire for social equity, resulted in the entry of adults to certain higher education institutions, largely the new universities. The rapid increase in student numbers of both young people and adults has led to the British higher edu...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Half Title
• Title
• Copyright
• Contents
• Preface
• 1 Gender Issues in Adult and Higher Education: Concepts, Perspectives and Research
• 2 Drawing on Theory: Combining Action, Structure and Feminism
• 3 Researching Women’s Lives: Interviews as Life Histories
• 4 Warwick University: Culture, Context and Community
• 5 Connecting the Past with the Present: The Impact of Education, Gender and Class
• 6 Employment, Domesticity and the Quest for Fulfilment
• 7 Learning a Mature Student Career: Adjustment and Consolidation
• 8 Experiencing University Life: Intersections of Public and Private Worlds
• 9 Present and Future Biographies: Changing Lives and Future Hopes
• 10 Transforming Women’s Lives: Education as Empowerment?
• Bibliography
• Index