Multiple Early Childhood Identities

Andi Salamon, Angela Chng, Andi Salamon, Angela Chng

• Publisher: Routledge
• Year: 2019
• ISBN:
  9780429814822
• Edition: 1
• Topic: Education
• Subtopic: Education General

Recognising multiple cultural, ethical and geographical influences which impact on the development of a child's identity, this insightful text explores the role of early childhood practitioners and settings in nurturing and navigating the child's sense of being and belonging.

Multiple Early Childhood Identies confronts the diverse factors which influence early identity-formation to emphasise the child's understanding of self, outsiders' projections and the messages communicated by educators, family members and the wider community as critical to a child's identity and wellbeing. Written to provoke group discussion and extend thinking, this text also provides opportunities for international comparison, points for reflection and editorial provocations and will help students engage critically with the concept of identity-formation and influencing factors. Chapters are divided into four key sections which reflect major influences on practice and pedagogy:

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• Being alongside children

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• Those who educate

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• Embedding families and communities

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• Working with systems

Offering in-depth discussion of the diverse perspectives, experiences and practices which impact on the formation of the child's identity, this text will enhance understanding, support self-directed learning and provoke and transform thinking at both graduate and postgraduate levels, particularly in the field of early childhood education and care, for students, educators, integrated service providers and policy makers.

Section 1

BEING ALONGSIDE CHILDREN

1

SURVIVING IN A POST-CONFLICT ZONE

Through the eyes of young children

Nanditha Hettitantri

Children in conflict-affected zones are an increased global concern. This chapter presents the findings of a doctoral study that examined experiences and perspectives of wellbeing of a group of young children in a conflict-affected context in Sri Lanka. Using the Mosaic Approach that included children’s photography, drawings, child-led tours, interviews and narratives, this chapter explores young children’s experiences of wellbeing. Recognising children’s capacities and rights, this chapter analyses young children’s experiences and views in terms of care and rights (right to education and participation) and discusses these along with the perspectives of adult participants.

The socio-ecological model (Bronfenbrenner, 1994) and the children’s rights framework as defined in the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child – UNCRC (UN, 1989) (right to education and participation) that form the conceptual framework for this chapter as well as the methodology of the larger study will be presented. Sri Lanka, the research context, will be introduced along with the arguments on the root causes of the armed conflict. Findings of the study will be discussed through highlighting the experiences of two children from two community groups with different social identities in the resettling post-conflict study village. Finally, implications for the protection of children’s equitable right to education and listening to young children (and families) in conflict-affected zones will be proposed.

Socio-ecological model

The socio-ecological model for human development (Bronfenbrenner, 1994) and the children’s rights framework as defined in the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child – UNCRC (UN, 1989) provide the overarching conceptual framework to the findings presented in this chapter. The socio-ecological model identifies three socio-ecological structures: micro-, meso- and macro-systems that function as socially organised, interacting and nested social structures in a child’s environment (Bronfenbrenner, 1994). The child’s immediate environment (family, school and community) form the micro-system, and wider social structures (policies and support networks) form the macro-system. Hart, Galappatti, Boyden and Armstrong (2007) define social ecology as children’s social settings, relationships, available services, care and social support to children and “the implications of social identity (gender, class, location, ethnicity, religion) for life experiences and events” (p. 43). Care and support for children within each socio-ecological structure define children’s wellbeing in conflict-affected settings (Triplehorn & Chen, 2006). Specifically, caring social connections within a children’s socio-ecology create a secure base for young children (Bronfenbrenner, 1994; Woodhead & Brooker, 2008). These secure social bonds enable children to explore their individual and social identities and to develop a sense of their own and others’ rights (Hinde & Stevenson-Hinde, 2014; Hobfoll et al., 2007).

Children’s right to education and participation

The UNCRC defines children’s rights to care and development and urges responsible stakeholders (caregivers, community and the government) in a child’s socio-ecology to protect and fulfil children’s needs and rights at all times. Furthermore, the UNCRC emphasises children’s right to primary education (Article 28), which needs to be recognised and protected, even in conflict-affected settings.

Irrespective of cultural and contextual differences, children and communities in conflict-affected contexts place a high priority on education (Winthrop & Kirk, 2008). Education in conflict-affected contexts has a direct link to children’s recovery and psychological and holistic wellbeing (Abdelmoneium, 2005; Ager, Blake, Stark & Daniel, 2011; Aguilar & Retamal, 2009; Barakat, Connolly, Hardman & Sundaram, 2012). In conflict-affected zones, education brings positive outcomes for children. For example, education through the interventions of Child-Centred/Friendly Spaces in disrupted places can support stimulation, skill development and routine for young children (Kostelny & Wessells, 2008). In post-conflict rebuilding, early childhood education settings are effective for caregivers and community mobilising to enhancing support for young children (Wessells & Monteiro, 2008). Most importantly, education plays a critical role in affected children’s and communities’ restoration and reconciliation process. In particular, improved access to quality early childhood education promotes equity in supported communities (Britto, Yoshikawa & Boller, 2011).

The UNCRC emphasises children’s right to participate and to have their voices heard on issues that affect them (Articles 12 and 13). A limited number of studies involving young children from disrupted contexts have investigated children’s experiences and views (Lopez, 2015; Mevawalla, 2016). These studies demonstrated that when the opportunity to participate is given, even in disrupted contexts, young children can share their experiences, giving important insights into the matters that affect them. However, despite the vital need to listen to the voices of young children on their unique experiences in areas affected by conflicts (Akesson, 2012; McElroy, Atim, Larson & Armstrong, 2012), research that incorporates young children’s lived experiences in similar situations is rare. Addressing this gap, the study reported in this chapter explored a group of young children’s experiences in a post-conflict setting in Sri Lanka (Hettitantri, 2017).

The study context: post-conflict Sri Lanka

Sri Lanka is a middle-income country in South Asia. It has a diverse population (approximately 20 million) that consists of Sinhalese (74.9%), Sri Lankan Tamils (11.2%), Indian Tamils (4.2%), Muslim Moors (9.2%) and others (0.5%) (Central Bank of Sri Lanka, 2013). Because of public health, education and other social services, the country has achieved high social indicators like 99% immunisation coverage for children, an infant mortality rate of 8 per 1000 live births, a 99% primary school net enrolment ratio and an adult literacy rate of 91% (UNICEF, 2017).

Sri Lanka was a British colony from 1815 to 1948. Its post-independence history marks a number of political and social struggles. Among them, the social struggles of the Tamil community (which was later dominated by the Liberation of Tamil Tigers of Elam – LTTE) in the Northern and Eastern parts of the country took the form of a violent armed conflict between the government and the LTTE.

The root causes of the armed conflict in Sri Lanka are analysed from diverse historical, political and social viewpoints. The dominant argument is that the conflict was a result of the tension surrounding the identification of the majority’s local language (Sinhalese) as the official language in the 1950s, which the Sri Lankan Tamils viewed as reducing their opportunities for education, employment and representation in the political and public domains (De Votta, 2004). Some argue that the Tamils’ demand for autonomy as a separate ethnic group (or self-determination) in post-independence Sri Lanka caused the conflict (Nesiah, 2001; Shastri, 1990). These elements of “politics of belonging and ethnic identity” (Brun, 2008, p. 401) are considered important aspects of the conflict in Sri Lanka. A broader socio-economic analysis is that the emergence of the conflict was an extension of the social struggles in the 1970s and 1980s led by both Tamil and Sinhalese educated youth who demanded better and equal life opportunities (Abeyratne, 2004; Sriskandarajah, 2005). The above arguments suggest that perceived social inequality and related social unrest have direct links to the escalation of the armed conflict in Sri Lanka.

Impact of armed conflict on children

The conflict lasted for nearly 26 years and ended in a civil war in 2009. It affected the entire nation, but the communities in the Northern and Eastern provinces were the most affected. Because of the conflict, over 70,000 people, including children, lost their lives or were injured – many lost family and friends. The worst part was that thousands of families were forcibly displaced, leaving a large population of Internally Displaced People (IDP) and refugees.

Limited research has explored the impact of the armed conflict on children in Sri Lanka. It was found that during the time of the conflict, children developed signs of post-traumatic stress disorder and poorer adaptation to adverse experiences (Chase, Doney, Sivayogan, Ariyaratne, Satkunanayagam & Swaminathan, 1999). Societal issues like poverty and domestic violence are exacerbated in war-affected settings, and have affected children (Catani, Schauer & Neuner, 2008). In contrast, Fernando and Ferrari (2011) found that despite adverse experiences of conflict, protective factors of care, spirituality, education and support from social networks helped some conflict-affected children to develop coping abilities and resilience. Research on young children in conflict-affected Sri Lanka, however, is rare.

The study

The larger study was conducted in 2014, in a rebuilding post-conflict village (pseudonym: Malgama) in the Eastern province in Sri Lanka. Malgama is situated approximately 20km away from the nearest town, surrounded by uncleared forests, a reservoir and vast paddy fields. Malgama was accessible via permanent roads using public and private transportation. The Grama Niladhari (village administrative officer) for Malgama reported that approximately 180 families were registered as residents in the village: approximately 150 were from the Tamil community, and the rest were from the Sinhalese community.

Methodology

This study used the case study method and adapted the Mosaic Approach (Clark, 2017; Clark & Moss, 2001, 2005) to explore young children’s experiences of wellbeing and adult participants’ views. The Mosaic Approach has mostly been used in research with young children in early childhood centres in resourceful settings. Yet, the child-friendly methods of drawings, child-led tours, photography and narratives used in the Mosaic Approach have proven useful in studies about children in conflict-affected settings (e.g. Akesson, 2012, 2014; Hart, Galappatti, Boyden & Armstrong, 2007), therefore it was used for this study.

Children and adults from both community groups were invited to participate in this study. In the larger study, 16 consenting young children between 3 and 7 years were involved. A wide range of methods (child interviews, drawings, photography, child-led tours and narratives) were used to allow children to participate and share their experiences and views. Children were given the opportunity to choose their preferred methodology when talking about their lived experiences within the child’s socio-ecology of family, pre-school or school, in the neighbourhood and community. Caregivers (N=53) were involved through structured interviews, focus group discussions and adult-led tours. In-depth interviews were conducted with the village community leaders (N=5) and government and non-government service providers (N=13). The study was reviewed and approved by Macquarie University’s Human Research Ethics Committee and in-country approvals and support were received from the Ministry of Child Development and Women’s Affairs in Sri Lanka.

Findings

Historical accounts of the village revealed that it had been home to a diverse group of people from Tamil, Sinhalese and Muslim communities for centuries, with each group living in geographically segregated areas within Malgama. Because of the conflict and related incidents, the entire population fled the village, leaving it under LTTE control for over two decades (until 2007). The village and its infrastructure facilities and services were completely destroyed; the entire population was displaced. Some displaced families settled in other areas permanently or temporarily, but many families lived in IDP settlements for years.

At the end of the armed conflict in the Eastern province in 2007, the post-conflict rebuilding process commenced in Malgama. Families from Tamil and Sinhalese communities who claimed ownership of the village (those who lived in IDPs or temporary settlements) and families who were new to the village have started to return and resettle.

Government, non-government and private sector organisations provided required support and services to rebuild the village and resettle families. As the community participants reported, however, there was a disparity in the level of support for return and resettlement received by the families from two different community groups, and therefore there was diversity in terms of their resettlement status in Malgama. Two distinct community groups were identified: (1) permanently resettled Tamil community and (2) transient Sinhalese community. A government officer and local community members reported that at the time of the study there were no transient Tamils or permanent Sinhalese residents. Transient families were living on and off in Malgama while still residing in their temporary settlements outside the village. These two community groups were concentrated in geographically segmented areas within Malgama.

Most of the infrastructure was rebuilt in the areas where the permanently resettled community settled. A permanent road was rebuilt, giving access to the closest towns where hospitals, markets, government offices and larg...

Table of contents

• Cover Page
• Half Title
• Series Page
• Title Page
• Copyright Page
• Dedication
• Table of Contents
• List of Illustrations
• About the Series Editors
• List of Contributors
• Preface: Positioning the Conversation (Alma Fleet and Michael Reed)
• Acknowledgements
• Section 1 Being Alongside Children
• Section 2 Those Who Educate
• Section 3 Embedding Families and Communities
• Section 4 Working with Systems
• Coda: Thinking Forward
• Index