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Poetry
Alison Chapman
In February 1832, the second issue of a new magazine, Chambersâs Edinburgh Journal, published its first poem: the Scottish âfarm servantâ William Parkâs âOde to Poverty.â The headnote introduces Parkâs piece as a marvel, exemplifying âthe triumphs of inborn genius.â In the poem, Park acknowledges his poetic marginalization but also his successful legacy as an unknown âhireling bardâ whose name nonetheless is âblazoned bright in realms on high,/Enrollâd in records in the sky.â And yet the poem also admits that, for all its spiritual rewards, poetry cannot capture povertyâs misery: âEven poesy would weave in vain/The laurel wreath for penuryâs child.â Parkâs poem makes bare the tension between expected literary codes and improper sentiment, within a tightly conventional stanzaic scheme (iambic tetrameter sestets rhyming ababcc). This obscure poem began a long tradition of prominently published poetry in one of the centuryâs most highly circulating weekly magazines, with over 2,500 poems featured from 1832 to 1883 (Chapman, Digital) and a peak circulation of 90,000 copies in 1840 (OâConnor). The poem also signals a long tradition of the interesting and sometimes fraught relationship between poetic form and content, a relationship that distinguishes the development of Victorian poetry as poets reached for reworked, hybrid, and innovative genres to represent and also escape from the centuryâs modernity. Parkâs poem, for example, entitles itself an âode,â a genre with a long history that originated as lyrics on public occasions, often with a complex stanzaic scheme and argument. The romantic ode became more interiorized as a lyric expression that often addressed the status of poetry and the poet, and which retained a complex stanzaic scheme (such as Keatsâs âOde to a Nightingaleâ). Parksâs working-class ode, however, is addressed to poverty within a simple repetitive stanzaic scheme. The poemâs claim to literary posterity is powerfully based on restraint, adversity, and even silence.
The year of Parkâs poem, 1832, is often taken by literary historians as the beginning of Victorian poetry. Although the accession of Queen Victoria occurred in 1837, scholars generally date the reforming energy of Victorian poetry back to the 1832 Reform Act, which enfranchised male middle-class voters and created new parliamentary constituencies that represented burgeoning industrial cities (Bristow). Chambersâs was indeed established in response to public agitation, leading up to the Reform Act, to educate and acculturate a working-class readership in preparation for the franchise; its opening editorial statement underlines the weeklyâs power as âan engine endowed with the most tremendous possibilitiesâ (Chambers 1). Poetry was no less than the fuel for this engine of progress, and in its first years Chambersâs published both working-class poems (especially by Scottish poets such as James Beattie and Dugald Moore) and established poets like Felicia Hemans, Letitia Elizabeth Landon, Walter Scott, and William Wordsworth. Like other popular serial print, the periodical sought to establish its own readership based on the editorsâ sense of the proper poetry canon. Poetry, then, had the power to create and sustain lucrative consumers for the new serial print media and to create and shape a class consciousness as well [on periodical culture, see Hughesâs chapter].
Poetry represented acculturation, community, and aspiration across the wide variety of Victorian print; in fact, the poetry in Chambersâs for 1832 represented the start of an explosion of diverse print cultures for poetry. This year was also the publication date of a volume of poems by a poet who came to define the era as its eventual laureate, Alfred Tennyson. Poems was actually date-stamped 1833, but it was issued in December 1832. Matthew Rowlinson even identifies one of the most well-known poems from that volume and of the era, âThe Lady of Shalott,â as a response to the 1832 Reform Act. First, as Rowlinson argues, the poem figures the silencing of an aristocratic female weaverâs song as the end of traditional values and the start of a printed, as opposed to active, lyric voice. The poem, after all, ends with the ladyâs swan song, as she chants her âcarolâ (l. 145) as she dies on a boat whose prow ironically inscribes her name (ll. 161â2). Second, the poem represents a shift in poetics whereby the lyric voice of the Lady is overheard yet irrecoverable, marking a change from early Romantic mediated yet still legible lyric voice (64â5). Not only do the reapers hear her song and ascribe it to the supernatural ââfairy/Lady of Shalottââ (ll. 35â6), but the aristocratic Camelot audience for her dramatic death is mystified by her final song and her very identity (âWho is this? And what is here?â [l. 163]). Lancelotâs final appraisal about her âlovely faceâ (l. 169), after he âmused a little spaceâ (l. 168), is crushingly facetious. One of the most influential critical models, Isobel Armstrongâs concept of the âdouble poemâ, similarly posits a radical uncertainty within Victorian poetry, whereby the poemâs claim to expressive truth is layered with skepticism, an epistemological uncertainty that decenters poetic form and politicizes poetic language so that, in a dramatization of lyric, the poemâs âexpressive utterance ⊠becomes the opposite of itself, not only the subjectâs utterance but also the object of analysis and critiqueâ (12). And, in this critical paradigm, the Lady of Shalottâs very expressive lyric song is mediated and ultimately undermined by the ballad narrative that frames and contains it. In other words, Victorian poetry uneasily mediates and questions its own claims to truth, a reading that works powerfully for canonical poets such as Tennyson (from a conservative tradition) and Robert Browning (from a radical democratic tradition), as well as women poets who struggle with a claim to subjectivity. It is less certain, however, how well the model works for the majority of poetry outside the conventional canon. For example, rather than a simultaneously expressive and skeptical double poem, âOde to Povertyâ lays its representational limits bare while extolling the conventional Christian manliness of poverty. Any skeptical doubleness is mediated by the poemâs print ecology, a weekly meant to raise the working class but which seems to have had mostly a middle-class readership. The double poem in this instance, then, hinges on the poem within its print context, represented as an authentic rural voice and yet also depoliticized as an antiquarian wonder.
The âdigital turnâ is making visible both the materiality and scale of Victorian poetry, while complicating conventional literary histories. The vast majority of poems read by Victorians remain critically undiscovered, and are, by virtue of their very profusion, doubtless individually undiscoverable. A British Library catalog search for book titles in English with the word âpoemsâ alone returns 1,952 items. And, to give a flavor of the genreâs biblio-diversity, alongside the Chambersâs and Tennysonâs Poems I place the 1832 Keepsake, a lavish and successful literary annual that foregrounded its aristocratic connections. In 1832, for example, the annual published 28 poems: alongside poems by Landon, William Jerdan, and Agnes Strickland, 19 are signed by poets with an aristocratic title. The year 1832 thus represents Victorian poetryâs profusion and heterogeneousness. This chapter explores emerging trends in Victorian studies by emphasizing poetryâs abundance, approaching poems through their vibrant materiality and multimedia print ecologies, and uncovering the potential for a âbigger Victorianismââone that expands and decolonizes the canonâthrough poetryâs mediations, locations, and disruptions.
1. The Culture of Victorian Poetry
Critics have traditionally presented Victorian poetry as displaced by the rise of fiction, a print-market development that caused a shift in poetics intended to address the poetsâ perceived absence of readers. Lee Erickson argues that the rise of the dramatic monologue, a hybrid form of narrative and lyric whereby the addressee is silent, originates with anxieties about the collapse of poetry book readership in the 1820s. Yet Victorians encountered poetry everywhere. Books of poetry by single authors were viewed in the nineteenth century as culturally valuable and prestigious, and they dominated reviews of poetry (which quoted poems extensively). The highest circulating poems are typically defined by literary historians through volume sales (Altick 386â7), especially poetry books by single authorsâsuch as John Kebleâs The Christian Year (1827), Tennysonâs In Memoriam (1850)âand anthologies such as Palgraveâs Golden Treasury (1861). Poetâs careers were shaped by breakout volumes, which were not always their first books; such works include Elizabeth Barrett Browningâs Poems (1844), Robert Browningâs Men and Women (1855), Dante Gabriel Rossettiâs Poems (1870), and Alice Meynellâs Preludes (1875). Some poetry volumes garnered no or minimal attention at all on their publication, including the BrontĂ« sistersâ 1846 Poems by Currer, Ellis and Acton Bell. Meanwhile, other important volumes were published in very small print runs, especially at the centuryâs end; for example, Mary Elizabeth Coleridgeâs 1896 Fancyâs Following, published by the Daniel Press, had a print run of 450 copies (Vilain et al. 28). Other prominent poets had important works published posthumously, such as Gerard Manley Hopkinsâs 1918 Poems. The poetry canon has generally been defined by this bounty of volumes.
But books were only a part of the publication and dissemination of poetry. Works by prominent as well as little known and unknown poets were mass circulated in serial print culture, including newspapers, magazines, and periodicals that represented the main poetry publishers and distributors in the era (Hobbs). A single comparison will make the importance of periodical poetry evident: whereas Tennysonâs 1864 Enoch Arden sold 60,000 copies in its first edition and 40,000 âin a few weeksâ (Altick 387), an extraordinary number for a poetry book, his poem published five years earlier in the newly launched magazine Once a Week, âThe Grandmotherâs Apology,â reached far in excess of 570,000 readers (Waterloo Directory). Many prominent Victorian poets published in ephemeral print to cultivate readership and income but also complained about writing âpotboilers.â Most of the poets who published in periodicals did not become best-selling authors of poetry books and remain either little known or entirely obscure (partly because of the widespread practice of unsigned and pseudonymous poems), but their contributions nevertheless shaped the poetry culture of the time. Victorian periodicals published poetry for a number of reasons, including acculturation, prestige, advertisement for forthcoming books, the shaping of a periodicalâs politics and aesthetics, conveying news in a different discourse (Houston), and forging an affective and contemplative space for reading (Ehnes); they also did so for the education of readers, including incitement to action, as with poetry published in Chartist newspapers like the Northern Star and Chartist Circular (Sanders) [on Chartist publications, see Haywoodâs chapter]. The quantity of poetry in periodicals is staggering, especially for long-running titles like Blackwoodâs Edinburgh Magazine (over 3,400 poems from 1819 to 1901), All the Year Round (over 1,000 poems from 1859 to 1895), and Good Words (over 1,200 poems from 1860 to 1899) (Chapman, Digital). Pieces circulating and recirculating in popular and highbrow serial print helped make poems ubiquitous for the reading public but offered an astonishingly wide variety of items that often fall outside the typically anthologized modern canon (such as translations into English, verse dramas, serial poems, Anglophone colonial poetry, and dialect poetry).
Recent research approaches the richness and diversity of Victorian poetryâs material forms as a poetry culture: both a print ecology of poems that offers a reader-centric and historically nuanced approach, and a more networked sense of poetry within and beyond Anglo-centrism that embraces colonial and global poetry in English (e.g., Gibson, Rudy). The print ecology is usually understood in terms of poetry volumes, anthologies, and serial print, but poetry also widely circulated in other print forms such as advertisements, greeting cards, almanacs, hymnals, broadsides, chapbooks, and travel guides. Some poets took ready advantage of multiple formats for poetry. Tennyson, for example, first published âThe Charge of the Light Brigadeâ in The Examiner (December 9, 1854) as a response to the news from the Crimean War, and it was widely reprinted on both sides of the Atlantic. It was subsequently revised and published in his 1855 Maud and Other Poems, and then 1,000 copies were privately printed as a broadside in August 1855 to send to the soldiers in the Crimea. Later, in 1890, Tennyson recorded this poem on an Edison wax cylinder. It is important to note, however, that poets did not have control over the widespread practice of reprinting poems. For example, a stanza from In Memoriam was illustrated in the New Girl magazine Atalanta for its 1889 Christmas issue as a tipped-in plate, a short extract conferring added seasonal and cultural value to ephemeral print, as Tennysonâs long narrative poem is translated into a separate lyric fragment. Unauthorized reprinting in Britain and America meant that British poets could not control their poetryâs tran...