Understanding the Relationship Between Place, Space, Environments, and the Individual
In typical academic or professional books from the built environment disciplines, such as architecture or planning, the words space, place, and environment are often used interchangeably as if they are synonyms. It is important to recognize that these terms mean different things, especially in their relationships to people. Some of this ambiguity is due to the fact that our physical position in and relationship to the world is complicated and mediated, in part, through social, cultural, and psychological meanings and experiences. We also lack a nuanced, vernacular vocabulary to describe how our bodies interface with the world. The way in which I will define these termsâspace, place, environmentâare therefore through a technical perspective in order to provide a better foundation for the concepts that will follow. Refer to Table 1.1 for an overview of these concepts.
Table 1.1 Basic concepts of space, place, and environment
| Frame | Example |
Neutral, undifferentiated, architectural or scientific space | Objective, geometric, scientific | Abstract description of the world around us; description of shape, volume, and measurement of a building. |
Social space | Social, Marxist | How the design of the American suburb promotes capitalism. |
Place | Psychological, cultural, subjective | The feelings that a group of buildings in a certain context produce; specific cultural characteristics associated with these buildings. |
Environment | Scientific, quantitative, objective | Characteristics of the surroundings around people, plants, and/or animals. |
Traditionally, space is understood as a way to describe what is around our bodies in an objective, geometric way. In this sense, we can describe space in terms of the distance of things to a body or to each other, or through descriptions of volume, form, and massing. Lefebvre (1991), however, defines space socially; the cultural, political, and economic activities within space also help to define it. Moreover, each culture produces its own unique spaces that are layered in complex ways so that space influences society. This definition infuses space with social power, order, and control. Those who have the power in society to influence the production of certain spaces are therefore able to exert control over other people. For Lefebvre, space is not a static, neutral âthingâ that simply exists. Instead, individuals and groups use their social power to manipulate space in order to produce predetermined social and political outcomes. Thus, there are two definitions for space: (1) neutral space as a kind of ânaturalâ space independent of sociocultural or psychological contexts, and (2) socially produced space. The latter definition, however, does not usually consider psychological perspectives, which âplaceâ does.
Much like Lefebvreâs social definition of space, place is not a neutral concept. But rather than taking on social meanings, place is usually understood through a psychological perspective, especially in terms of how someone feels about a space or how, through interpretation, the characteristics of space become known objects of value to individuals (Tuan 1977). Places can also have deep meaning to a culture, such as places of religious pilgrimage (Low 1990), but this meaning originates in an individualâs relationship with and valuation of this place. A key concept of place is specificity, not only in geographic qualities, but also particular experiential and cultural experiences. A place is therefore seen, known, and felt in discrete ways, while space is abstract.
As opposed to space and place, âenvironmentâ is a word more often encountered in the context of technical jargon than in the discourse of everyday people. According to the Oxford English Dictionary, âenvironmentâ is defined as âThe surroundings or conditions in which a person, animal, or plant lives or operates.â As a concept, environment therefore shares much with space, but the most important difference is that the former term is always associated with living entities. Natural environments privilege plants and animals; built environments privilege people. Because our focus is on built environments, we are interested in how people perceive and are affected by both place and space. Or, in another sense, an environmental focus assumes people are embedded in place; place can be something âover thereâ while the environment always surrounds us.
If our goal is to understand the relationship that people have with social space, place, and the environment, it is essential to focus on peopleâs emotions; feelings are what fundamentally makes us human. This goal is similar to understanding relationships between people by recognizing feelings and how to communicate them more effectively. While it is entirely possible (and sometimes desirable) to understand our surroundings objectively, such as when designing a structurally-sound building, abstract ideas, such as quality of life, require understanding the subjective qualities of people. This requirement exists because social space, place, and the built environment are defined by people; in other words, their essential nature can only be described through human meanings, values, and experiences. Without people, social space, place, and the built environment cannot exist. What are the ways that we can understand the human-centered aspects of our surroundings?
While there are many ways to understand social space, place, and the built environment, the focus here is on the three major concepts most commonly found in both academic and professional built environment literature: spirit of place, sense of place, and place attachment. Note that these are place-based definitions because all of them are focused on the specific qualities of a particular place and not the abstract qualities of space. Place attachment, however, because of its explicit use of concepts and theory from environmental psychology, contributes an environmental perspective.
One of the oldest concepts to address the intersection of people and place, which originates from Roman religious culture, is genius loci or spirit of space (Brook 2000; Walter 1988). Romans literally believed that specific âspiritsâ (beings in incorporeal form) lived in and guarded certain places, which lent these areas a particular feeling. Thus, when a human being visited these places, the feelings he/she experienced were understood, in part, to be due to the particular spirit that inhabited the area. While this perspective is uncommon today, the term still lives on as a way to describe the overall feeling that a place instills in people who experience it. Spirit of place is often used interchangeably with sense of place and, at times, it is difficult to articulate the specific differences between the two, although spirit of place is more commonly used in architectural, artistic, and literary discourse, whereas sense of place is more common in planning and geography circles. In heritage conservation practice, UNESCO uses âspirit and feelingâ as an official criterion for listing World Heritage sites and the QuĂ©bec Declaration, which guides international conservation practice, explains that âspirit of placeâ consists of âelements that give meaning, value, emotion and mystery to a placeâ (ICOMOS 2008). Thus, in international practice associated with World Heritage, spirit of place is associated with the concept of authenticity. A simpler way of describing authenticity in this context is that it seeks to answer the question: does an older or historic place feel real (Plevoets & Van Cleempoel 2019: pp. 79â95)?
Among heritage conservation organizations, however, UNESCO and ICOMOS are rather unique in their emphasis on aspects of spirit of place in helping to understand the value of historic places; in the United States, which largely operates outside of the influence of these two organizations, spirit of place is mostly absent from historic preservation scholarly and practice literature. Even in World Heritage contexts, âspirit and feelingâ are typically given little consideration, as is evident in a review of World Heritage Nominations. The reason for this situation is due, in part, to a lack of a consistent methodology for enumerating the qualities of spirit of place found in historic places (Wells 2014). Conceptually, however, especially as embodied in the QuĂ©bec Declaration, the way spirit of place is defined has much more in common with sense of place, especially in the emphasis on perception and experience and its relationship to authenticity.
To be sure, where there is a concrete difference between spirit of place and sense of place, the former is understood more as an intrinsic quality while the latter relates to the experience one has in a place and how it is perceived (Brook 2000). Sense of place is widely credited as originating in the work of the humanistic geographers of the 1970s that explored the relationship between place and affect (or emotional states) (Rodaway 2006). In the 1980s, environmental psychologists informed their place-based theories with this work, helping to understand the importance of experiencing a place in relation to its perception and meaning (Altman & Low 1992). In other words, places have little meaning (and value) to people unless an individual can have bodily sensations (e.g., sight, sound, smell, touch) while being embedded in a particular geography (Buttimer & Seamon 1980). Through this research, there developed the idea that people can become emotionally attached to certain places, much like we can become attached to certain people. Thus, well-being is related to being in certain places, especially for long periods of timeâa concept known as ârootednessâ (Tuan 1980). The removal (especially permanently) of individuals from such places can result in place disruptions (Brown & Perkins 1992). An individualâs identity is also related to long-term associations with certain places (Proshansky, Fabian, & Kaminoff 1995).
Lastly, the built environment encompasses ideas from both spirit of place and sense of place with âenvironmentâ simply meaning the surroundings of people within a context of buildings, structures, and human-modified landscape elements. When used to focus on the relationship of people to their surroundings, âenvironmentâ assumes a psychological dimension. Sometimes referred to as âenvironmental psychology,â this particular focus on people and places is often quantitative as opposed to the qualitative aspects of spirit of place and sense of place. Within environmental psychology, there are four common, measurable aspects of an individualâs emotional attachment to places: general place attachment, place identity, place dependence, and place rootedness (Williams et al. 1995; Williams & Roggenbuck 1989; Williams & Vaske 2003). It is important to note that there are many other possible definitions, including topophilia, urban identity, sense of community, and community attachment (see Manzo & Devine-Wright 2014), but for the sake of brevity, this particular review will only focus on these widely known and time-tested concepts and concepts that can be measured. All of these aspects of attachment describe a transactional relationship between places and people, or the bi-directional way in which the environment influences people and people influence their environment (Gifford 1987).
General place attachment, or simply place attachment, is an overarching category of many types of bonds (e.g., emotion, cognition) ...