PART I
Some shit is just for us
1
SOME SHIT IS JUST FOR US
Introduction
Cheryl Finley and Deborah Willis
BeyoncĂ©âs 2017 Grammy Awards performance relied heavily on visual references to the Yoruba river/love goddess OshĂșn, who is associated with sweetness, acts of kindness and generosity, calmness, and bountiful love. BeyoncĂ© is deeply committed to changing visual narratives about being black and female. She is dedicated to researching historical narratives from fashion, beauty, religion, and the everydayâfrom fifteenth-century art history paintings to the black power movement of the twentieth century to black lives matter protests of the twenty-first century. Her artistry explores unique and distinctive moments in history that focus on today while harkening aesthetics of the past. BeyoncĂ© converges the politics of beauty to political moments that transform memory.
For example, she referenced OshĂșn, who is one of the seven major Yoruba (Nigerian ethnic group) gods or deities incorporated into SanterĂa, a creolized religion combining elements of Catholicism, brought to the Americas through the transatlantic slave trade hundreds of years ago. OshĂșn bore twins to ShangĂł, the thunder deity, with whom she ruled from his expansive brass palace. Hence, the brassy/gold hue of BeyoncĂ©âs elaborate crown and regal robe reference the wealth of brass objectsâbracelets, fans, earrings, staffs, and swordsâaccumulated by OshĂșn as the mother of Yoruba twins. Known for her powerful maternal instinct, OshĂșn is a fierce, loving goddess who is charged with protecting not only her existing children, but also her unborn children and, by extension, future generations. We see this in BeyoncĂ©âs performance with the participation of her own mother, Tina Knowles, and then her daughter, Blue Ivy. Of course, we are now aware that she birthed twins shortly after this performance. The contemporary relevance and power of this transgenerational visual/spiritual reference is one that, to our mind, also references the political necessity of conscious musicians and recording artists like BeyoncĂ©, who have taken on the responsibility of motivating, empowering, and mobilizing African Americans through visual and aural reference to historical and contemporary shared experiences. This is especially evident in Lemonadeâin its imagery and in the titles and lyrics of the songsâwhich seek to link African American history with the contemporary moment. At times, the chorus of women dancers referenced OshĂșnâs watery, river goddess origins, and sometimes reflected the other goddesses that made up the multifaceted uber-goddess enacted by BeyoncĂ©, including the African river goddess Mami Wata and the multi-armed Hindu goddess Kali (when sheâs wearing the beaded bikini and flowing drape) associated with love, death, and sexuality.
In addition to her association with maternity, power, and protection, OshĂșnâs connection to love and to the golden color of brass and its durable quality are also evident in BeyoncĂ©âs performanceâfrom the radiating, flowered crown to the reflective, brass/yellow/golden robe to the oversized throne, which in its tilting motion faces toward the sun, again projecting her connection to the heavens, as a powerful goddess. The flowers onstage and in her hair send a shout out to the Roman goddess Venus, the goddess of love, fertility, and beauty. OshĂșn is also associated with extreme beauty and that beautyâthe beauty of black people, black women, girls, men, and boysâis a quality that BeyoncĂ© not only exudes, but always has been keen on representing, projecting, and teaching to her own family and to her larger public family and fan base.
This first section, âSome Shit is Just for Us,â frames a black interior through the writings of Lindsey Stewart, Janell Hobson, LaKisha Simmons, and Alexis McGee. Stewart introduces BeyoncĂ© as an interlocutor reimagining freedom, connecting the notion to love and agency in Lemonade. Hobson engages BeyoncĂ© through feminist critique such as bell hooks on hypervisibility, beauty, and the politics of hair. Simmons locates stories of renewal in the work of BeyoncĂ© by linking the historical with the present. It is a haunting reflection on loss and motherhood. McGee explores the impact of BeyoncĂ©âs oeuvre through performance and narration. Hybridity is explored through identity, representation, and spectacle. This section explores the commonalities found in BeyoncĂ©âs use of historical accounts in her reenactments with detailed content of the everyday of black womanhood which invites us to explore fantasy, hope, loss, and possibility.
2
SOMETHING AKIN TO FREEDOM
Sexual love, political agency, and Lemonade
Lindsey Stewart
There is âsomething akin to freedom,â Harriet Jacobs writes in Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl, within voluntary sexual love under slavery (Jacobs 2001, 48). This insight, the kinship of sexual love and freedom, can be seen in many black cultural productions, from literature such as Zora Neale Hurstonâs Their Eyes Were Watching God (1937 [2006]) to visual albums such as BeyoncĂ© Knowlesâs Lemonade (2016). In this essay, I develop the role of black spiritual traditions in the kinship formed between sexual love and freedom. I pair Their Eyes Were Watching God and Lemonade because the controversy they have sparked bear striking similarities that underscore how our conceptions of political agency still require improvement. That is, grasping the emancipatory effects of this kinship requires that we expand our notions of political agency beyond protest. For instance, Richard Wright thought Hurstonâs emphasis on sexual love indicated that her novel was not âserious fictionâ (Wright 1994, 25). Similarly, Lemonadeâs emphasis on love (both self and familial) rings hollow to bell hooks without accompanying calls âfor an end to patriarchal dominationâ (hooks 2016).
Indeed, upon reading hooksâs âMoving Beyond Pain,â a critique of Lemonade, I was struck by how much it resonates with Wrightâs âBetween Laughter and Tears,â a critique of Their Eyes Watching God. Both argue that the artists in question are not really producing art for black peopleâs benefits; rather, they are exploiting aspects of black culture for their own personal profit.1 Both can appreciate various aesthetic aspects of the pieces reviewed, yet they conclude that these works of art are underdeveloped in their portraits of black life. For example, Wright claims that Hurstonâs characters âswing like a pendulum eternally in that safe and narrow orbit in which America likes to see the Negro live: between laughter and tearsâ (Wright 1937, 25). Likewise, hook argues that BeyoncĂ©âs album âstays within a conventional stereotypical framework, where the black woman is always a victim.â
Both then and now, these critiques may strike us as missing fundamental aspects of the pieces reviewed. Why, for instance, do they ultimately miss the themes of the pieces reviewed?2 A significant clue is their lack of attention to the role of black spiritual traditions in their artistic appraisals, due to their narrow focus on protest. As Angela Davis argues in Blues Legacies and Black Feminism, â[t]he articulation of a specifically black aesthetic ⊠cannot locate itself in the living tradition of African-American culture without taking seriously the practices variously called conjure, voodoo, and hoodooâ (Davis 1998, 159). In this essay, I argue that exploring sexual love within the context of black spiritual traditions offers a different conception of political agency that both Wright and hooks miss.
Hurstonâs missing theme
One way to contextualize Wrightâs critique of Hurston is to consider his âBlueprint for Negro Writing,â originally written in the same year as âBetween Laughter and Tears.â In this essay, Wright specifies guidelines for black writers, notably their use of black folklore, as a way to develop their political responsibilities to black folk. While folklore is a term that has long fallen out of fashion, it can often serve as a divining rod of classed, gendered, and regional influences within black political thought. How a thinker delimits folklore, those traditions they emphasize as defining âthe black experience,â can tell us a lot about their politics. And it can diagnose how class, gender, and regional identity inform a thinkerâs definition of political agency.
Wright opens the essay with a critique of a current trend of black writing. He argues that black intellectuals were trying to âplead with white America for justiceâ (Wright 1994, 97â8)âwhich means they ceased to write works for black folk. Raising an implicit critique of the Harlem renaissanceâs attraction to the class-based, racial-uplift program, Wright urges black writers to return to our folklore for source material. For folklore, on Wrightâs account, is an element of black culture that is âaddressed to him; a culture which has, for good or ill, helped to clarify his consciousness and create emotional attitudes which are conducive to actionâ (Wright 1937, 99). That is, folklore is the âmost indigenous and complete expressionâ of black life, carrying âthe collective sense of Negro life in Americaâ (Wright 1994, 99). This is because folklore ârose out of a unified sense of common life and a common fateâ (Wright 1994, 100). As a result, black folk traditions âembod[y] the memories and hopes of [our] struggle for freedomâ (Wright 1994, 100)âwhich makes black folklore an important tool for liberation.
It is important to highlight Wrightâs central example of black folklore. He writes:
Not yet caught in paint or stone, and as yet but feebly depicted in the poem and novel, the Negroesâ most powerful images of hope and despair still remains in the fluid state of daily speech. How many John Henrys have lived and died on the lips of these black people? (Wright 1994, 100)
Lawrence Levine argues that John Henry is the central black folklore figure. A âsteel-driving-man,â John Henry worked to clear the way for the tracks of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railways. With his natural strength alone, he bore into mountain rock, beating pace of the steam-powered hammer of the white man. There are many endings to the story, including death from his heart giving out to third-day resurrections. His legend symbolizes not only the brutal work that many African American men faced, often involuntarily through chain gangs, but it also symbolizes the tension wrought by industrializationâs creep upon manual labor. And he is beloved because he beat the white man (industrialization) at his own game (Levine 1977, 420).
John Henry draws up a number of things about Wrightâs politics. For instance, John Henryâs power (his hammer) is also sexualized.3 As a result, the stakes in this fight against the white man include the restoration of the black manâs sexualityâa theme that, Hurston claims, preoccupies Wright in Uncle Tomâs Children. 4 Folklore, for Wright, is formed in the âabsences of fixed and nourishing forms of cultureâ (Wright 1994, 99). Through this figure, Wright emphasizes our being violently ripped from Africa, and he disavows any lingering cultural connections. It is also important to note that this includes black spiritual traditions, which Wright separates very early in âBlueprintâ from black folk traditions (Wright 1994, 99).5 As a result, John Henry is alone: cut off from ancestors both physically (being ripped from Africa) and culturally (being stripped of their tradition). Finally, John Henry signifies open, direct, honest protest against whites. Levine writes, â[John Henry] defeat[s] rivals ⊠directly and publicly,â being âcontemptuous of guile and indirectionâ (Levine 1977, 426). By examining Wrightâs pick of folk heroes, we find that the âcollective senseâ of black life in America is defined, for Wright, by tragic struggle, heroic strife, and direct confrontation with whites. As such, protest is the privileged mode of black political agency for Wright. Black life is consumed with our struggle against race and class oppression, as exemplified in the folk-hero âJohn Henry.â
As June Jordanâs insightful essay, âNotes Toward a Black Balancing of Love and Hatred,â demonstrates, privileging protest in our assessment of political agency can cause us to miss other modes of agency (such as âself-affirmationâ or love).6 I argue that Wrightâs preference for protest hinders him from seeing the politics at work in Their Eyes Were Watching God. His claim that Hurston had âno basic id...