CHAPTER 1
THE TRANSMOGRIFICATION OF RHETORIC AND THE EMERGENCE OF COMPOSITION
[T]he grandeur of the sciences has been diminished by the distribution and separation of their parts. Do you imagine, that when the famous Hippocrates of Cos flourished, there were then some of the medical faculty who cured diseases, others wounds, and a third class the eyes ? Do you suppose that geometry under Euclid and Archimedes, that music under Damon and Aristoxenus, that grammar itself when Aristophanes and Callimachus treated of it, were so divided into parts, that no one comprehended the universal system of any of those sciences, but different persons selected different parts on which they meant to bestow their labor?
āCicero, On Oratory and Orators (II xxxiii 229)
In outlining the characteristics of the ideal orator, Ciceroās Crassus lamented the transformation of knowledge communities into specialized branches, for he saw the compartmentalization of knowledge as diminishing the orator and even rhetoric itself. All knowledge, for Cicero, was at the center of rhetoric. In the ideal rhetor, āthe acuteness of the logicians, the wisdom of the philosophers, the language almost of poetry, the memory of lawyers, the voice of tragedians, the gesture almost of the best actors, is requiredā (I xxviii 37). Ciceroās De Oratore is marked by a nostalgia for the days when it seemed more possible for the orator to be a well-rounded and learned individual as well as for a time when the political conditions of the Roman republic were more favorable for rhetoric and the rhetor.
Throughout the history of rhetoric, the tides of rhetorical systems have flowed and ebbed in response to social, political, economic, and cultural forces. In favorable times, rhetoric has been understood as a complex epistemic system; in less favorable times, it has been reduced to so much window dressing.1 Rhetoric is paradoxically powerful and fragile. It is powerful precisely because it is at the center of all knowledge, and all knowledge is at its center. However, it is also fragile for precisely the same reasons. When knowledge is dissected into discrete partsāas it was in modernityārhetoric, as a complex system, suffers. As Albert Kitzhaber pointed out:
The late 19th century was just such a period when the estate of rhetoric was again low, having been reduced to little more than a school exercise in U.S. higher education. Ciceroās lament is of special interest here because it may well be applied to the situation that occurred with the rise of the modern university when disciplines carved out specialized and discrete knowledge constituencies. The radical transformation of higher education some one hundred years ago yielded little space for rhetoric. It is a discontinuity worth noting because rhetoric had been central to education for well over two thousand years. Understanding the tides of rhetoric and some of the forces that control the ebb and flow can help us to understand the current situation in rhetoric and composition.
This book is concerned with the reemergence of rhetoric as a serious area of study within departments of English after World War II and with the concurrent rise of rhetoric and composition as a discipline and a profession. In particular, it examines one important piece of the puzzle of that reemergence, namely, academic journals and how those who directed them and those who contributed to them helped to shape, and were in turn shaped by, the field of rhetoric and composition. However, before we can examine the flow of rhetoric and composition, we need to stand back a bit and examine the ground as it was constructed nearly a century earlier. In other words, to understand the reemergence, we need first to understand the ebb of rhetoric in the 19th and early 20th century. This chapter traces some of the forces that contributed to the marginalization of rhetoric in the then newly formed departments of English. Of course, there is no one factor that accounts for the demise of rhetoric; the story is complex. However, in this chapter I examine what I believe to be some of the major explanatory factors that delayed the professionalization and disciplinization of rhetoric and composition for nearly 100 years. It is not the whole tale but an important part. Of course, the story of rhetoric itself is much older than that of professions and disciplines.
THE ROOTS OF RHETORICAL STUDY
Historians of rhetoric trace the formation of the study and practice of rhetoric to Sicily in early 5th century BCE, a time when various rhetorical systems were spread to Athens through Sicilian sophists such as Gorgias and Protagoras. During these formative years, the elements of rhetoric as a dynamic constellation of theory, practice, product, and pedagogy were forged. Central to the multiple rhetorics that then emerged were efforts to explore and understand the nature and function of discourse. Richard Eriosās examination of the sophistic rhetorics demonstrates a ārange of perspectives exhibited by these foreign [non-Athenian] sophists, from the poetic embellishment of Gorgias to the agnostic relativism of Protagorasā (Greek Rhetoric 102). Nearly a century later in Greece, diverse rhetorical systems were also evident in the differences that distinguish Platoās rhetoric in terms of theory, practice, rhetorical product and pedagogy from that of Isocrates (Goggin and Long), both of which differ from Aristotleās rhetoric (Cahn). The study of rhetoric, in its various guises, became central to the ancient Greek concept of paideia (intellectual excellence), and thus, became central to the classical educational process of initiating young people into Greek culture. Although decidedly varied, the study of rhetoric had turned on the intersection of the relations among rhetorical theory, practice (both production and consumption), product, and pedagogy for centuries. In the Middle Ages, rhetoric secured a prominent place as one of the seven liberal arts. Although multiple rhetorical constellations competed throughout time, rhetoric as rhetorics remained central to education until the 19th century.2
Toward the end of the 19th century the study of rhetoric fell into minor importance in U.S. higher education. In many places, rhetoric dwindled in size in the newly formed departments of English to a single required course, first-year composition, and its scope narrowed to focus almost exclusively on student texts. The transformation of rhetoric from a vibrant, rich, intellectual enterprise into a truncated and impoverished one was the result of a complex confluence of epistemic, social, cultural, and economic changes that had a profound effect on how education in general and literate practices in particular were conceived.
THE DISPLACEMENT OF CLASSICAL EDUCATION
In response to dramatic social and economic changesāa shift from an agrarian society to an industrial one, a rising middle class, a concurrent shift in political and economic power bases, to name but a fewāa radically new and different form of tertiary education emerged in the 19th century, displacing an educational system that had changed very little since medieval times (Rudolph, American, Curriculum; Veysey, Emergence). The classical college had offered a four-year prescribed common curriculum designed to build piety and strength of character. Although it served three main routesāthe pulpit, the bar, and politicsāits function was not to provide special training or credentials for those routes. One did not go to college to learn how to become a preacher, a lawyer or a politician. Rather, higher education catered to an upper class aristocratic population who already had access to these positions. At the time, most occupations depended not on education but on an apprenticeship system. However, when the power base shifted from an accident of birth to economics and accumulation of wealth, professionalization and credentialization via education emerged to replace apprenticeships.
The classical curriculum usually consisted of Greek, Latin, math, rhetoric, grammar, and moral philosophy. There were few lectures, no discussion groups, and no Socratic dialogues. The primary, and in most places only, teaching method was recitation. In recalling his days a t Yale in the 1860s, a former student provided a vivid picture of classical pedagogy:
As this description suggests, the goal of the classical college was not to create knowledge; that was not within the province of students or faculty. Rather the goal for faculty was to instill knowledge, moral values, and piety, and the goal for students was to demonstrate that they had attained these ends. In short, it served to construct a particular way of thinking and behaving.
Having been constructed by a single, common educational experience, the entire college, including trustees, the president, f aculty, and students, was virtually of one and the same mind. Indeed, those who were not of the same mind were generally asked to leave (Rudolph, American 6ff). Part of the homogeneity stemmed from each college serving a homogeneous social and religious sect (primarily upper class White Protestant males), and part from the employment practices of the time. Most of the tutors and professors were hired by their alma mater, which ensured that they would perpetuate the school values. The classical college then wa...