Chapter 1
Varieties of Pragmatism and Communication: Visions and Revisions From Peirce to Peters
Peter Simonson
University of Pittsburgh
During the past two decades, literature on pragmatism has exploded. From philosophy to film studies, from law to literary criticism, and from history to religion to communication studies, pragmatism has a new generation of defenders and interpreters. This sometimes breathtaking array of thought should remind us that pragmatism is, as it has always been, a many splendored thing.
Amid plurality, pragmatism has always concerned itself with communication. The current revival offers communication studies an opportunity to rethink and creatively revise its canon. This chapter aims to contribute to that process by revisiting first-generation pragmatism and reviewing revivalist work relevant to the field. I draw attention to pragmatist studies in communication from the late 19th century through the contemporary revival, and I highlight the exciting new intellectual lineage established by revisionist work. This is a project of excavation and review intended to make overlooked texts available as resources for theory, criticism, and other practices within the field. Communication studies would be richer, I argue, if we revisited classic texts and expanded our intellectual canons.
Pragmatism can be approached as a doctrine or a historical tradition. As a doctrine (or method or habit of thought), it typically has advanced the notion that the consequences of their adoption determines the meaning of ideas, truth of propositions, or value of proposed actions. Thus, pragmatism has often tied knowledge to social practices and ethics, taken inquiry as communal and historically situated, and held that the world is open ended and in process. It also typically has rejected hard dualisms of mind and body, knowledge and action, fact and value, individual and society. However, one must tread cautiously with generalizations. From the beginning, pragmatism has been pluralistic.
Alternatively, one can understand pragmatism as a tradition that is partly constituted by arguments about its meaning and historical lineage. I favor this tack. As a tradition, certain recurring themes, including the idea of communication and allied concepts, have marked it. Like doctrinal pragmatism, however, the deeply plural tradition resists overarching characterizations. The misleading idea exists that pragmatism is distinctly American, but from the beginning, encounters with Continental thought have fundamentally shaped its arguments. Moreover, Continental thinkers have defended it staunchly. Views colored by American exceptionalism are simply inadequate.
I break the tradition down into three main categories. It was classically articulated by Peirce, James, Dewey, and Mead,1 each of whom formulated ideas and habits of inquiry relevant to contemporary communication studies. Pragmatism then moved beyond that core and in the first half of the 20th century had important defenders not always recognized as pragmatists. This group included Jane Addams, George Santayana, W.E.B.Du Bois, Alain Locke, Walter Lippmann, and C.Wright Mills. Together they pushed the tradition beyond the Protestant Yankee establishment of White males and developed pragmatismâs aesthetics, criticism, sociology, politics, and racial theory. Finally, pragmatism has experienced an energetic revival in the late 20th century, and the final section of the chapter sketches some of its most important theorists. Like their precursors, the revivalists are a diverse lot collectively concerned with communication. Their work ranges from the grand German philosophy of JĂźrgen Habermas and Karl-Otto Apel to Stanley Fishâs literary antitheory to the varied, politically accented work of Richard Rorty, Richard Bernstein, Nancy Fraser, and Cornel West. They also include three heavyweight theorists in the field of communicationâJames Carey, Michael Schudson, and John Peters. Together they have replayed the intellectual roles of Dewey, Lippmann, and James and given the tradition a high-profile presence in American communication studies.
PRAGMATISM AND COMMUNICATION IN THE FIRST GENERATION
Pragmatism emerged between the Civil War and World War I paradigmatically in the work of Charles Sanders Peirce (1839â1914), William James (1842â1910), John Dewey (1859â1952), and George Herbert Mead (1863â1931). This was a group of cultural insiders. All were Yankee WASPs trained in or with sympathy for science, with deep interest in Charles Darwin and serious, although varied, encounters with religion. In their milieu, agnosticism was establishing its first cultural beachheads, the academy was becoming professionalized, modern social science was taking root, and positivism was vying for intellectual hegemony with a revived Absolute Idealism. All of these things shaped first-generation pragmatism.
Despite similarities, the classic pragmatists forged distinct and sometimes competing modes of thought, and they bear different legacies for communication studies. One can begin by distinguishing Cambridge from Chicago pragmatism, with Peirce and James in the former camp, Dewey and Mead in the latter. The Cambridge duo was half a generation older, sat uneasily with the emerging research university, and was never attracted to Hegel in the way Dewey and Mead once were. Although the Chicago pragmatists eventually rejected philosophical Idealism, they brought from Hegel a communitarian social ontology that eventually led them to give the idea of communication a central place in their thought. Although attentive to communication, the Cambridge pragmatists never gave the term the same explicit attention. Still they offer important things to communication studies: Peirce a highly sophisticated semiotic theory and links between knowledge, reality, and communicative practices; and James a mode of inquiry open to the radically other and unwilling to reduce pluralistic truths to a singular system.
Cambridge Beginnings
Pragmatism traces its roots to an early 1870s reading group that half ironically called itself The Metaphysical Club. The Harvard-based group included James, Peirce, Nicholas St. John Green, Oliver Wendell Holmes, and Chauncey Wright. All had either legal or scientific training, and each wanted to explore the implications of Darwinian theory. Green, largely forgotten today, urged the others to examine the practical significance of every proposition and, according to Peirce, insisted belief was âthat upon which a man is prepared to act.â Here appeared one important element of pragmatist thought (Kuklick, 1977, pp. 48â54; Peirce, 1906, p. 270; see also Brent, 1993, chap. 2; Wiener, 1949, chap. 2).
As a material souvenir of the group, Peirce wrote an essay in 1872 (published as âHow to Make Our Ideas Clearâ) that set out key principles later associated with pragmatism. Attacking Cartesian introspective inquiry, Peirce (1878/1955a) argued that âthe whole function of thought is to produce habits of actionâ and âwhat a thing means is simply what habits it in-volvesâ (p. 30). In much of Peirceâs work, the key habit was disciplined scientific investigation. Inquiry was a decidedly communal affair, so communication was central. He defined truth and reality as âthe opinion which is fated to be ultimately agreed to by all who investigateâ (p. 38). Logic was also ârooted in the social principleâ (1878/1955b, p. 162) and inquiry conducted not by solitary thinkers but rather âfor the community of philosophersâ (1868/1955, p. 229). Peirce offered an anti-Cartesian philosophy opposed to monological reason and the introspective method and committed instead to communication as the basis of truth, logic, and, in Peirceâs (e.g., 1893/1955) grander religious moments, evolutionary love.
Peirce began developing his important semiotic theory in the late 1860s. As James Hoopes has pointed out, it offers an alternative to the Continental tradition that emerged from Ferdinand de Saussureâs lectures on linguistics (1906â1911) that subsequently shaped poststructuralism and Marxian cultural studies. While Saussure posited two elements arbitrarily connected with one another, signifier and signified (elements Derrida destabilized into endless free play), Peirceâs system had three elements: object, sign, and interpretant (see e.g., Peirce, 1868/1955, 1873/ 1991, 1897/1955; Hoopes, 1991). A sign stands for an object to an interpretant, which is a subsequent thought or action that determines the meaning of the sign. Thoughts are themselves signs that give rise to other signs, including the sign that is the self.2 The interpretant anchors the signifying process with disciplined habits of thought and action. As a result, âPeirceâs semiotic was constructive rather than deconstructiveâ (Hoop...