In recent years, there has been a proliferation of scholarship devoted to under-standing the college experiences of Black men in higher education. These scholarly resources have appeared in the form of books, such as Helping African American Men Succeed in College (Cuyjet, 2006); Black Men in College: Implications for HBCUs and Beyond (Palmer & Wood, 2012); African American Males and Education: Researching the Convergence of Race and Identity (Dancy & Brown, 2012); Advancing Black Male Student Success Preschool Through PhD (Harper & Wood, 2014); and Black Male Collegians: Increasing Access, Retention, and Persistence in Higher Education (Palmer, Wood, Dancy, & Strayhorn, 2014). Similarly, these resources have also been manifested in the form of journals, such as Challenge Journal: A Journal of Research on African American Men (2007); Journal of African American Males in Education (JAAME) (2010); Journal of Black Masculinity (2010); and most recently, Spectrum_ A Journal of Black Men (2012).
While the sheer volume of scholarly resources is noteworthy, it draws attention to the fact that educators, stakeholders, researchers, practitioners, and policymakers have raised concerns about the lack of progress that Black males have made in accessing and succeeding in postsecondary education (Bonner & Bailey, 2006; Cuyjet, 1997, 2006; Dancy, 2012; Dancy & Brown, 2012; Harper, 2006, 2012; Harper & Harris, 2012; Jackson & Moore, 2006, 2008; Palmer, Davis, & Hilton, 2009; Palmer & Wood, 2012; Strayhorn, 2008, 2010; Wood, 2012a; Wood & Turner, 2011). Social scientists have noted that Black men account for 4.3 percent of the total enrollment at four-year postsecondary institutions in the United States generally (Harper, 2006, 2012; Palmer & Strayhorn, 2008; Palmer et al., 2009; Strayhorn, 2008, 2010). Meanwhile, data from the Digest of Education Statistics (2011) has shown that that Black men account for only 5.18 percent of total postsecondary enrollment specifically. This percentage is concerning given that college-age Black men (ages 18 to 54) accounted for 6.24 percent of the population among this age bracket (U. S. Census, 2000). Incidentally, the percentage of Black men who are enrolled in college is nearly the same as it was in 1976 (Harper, 2006, 2012; Palmer et al., 2009; Palmer & Strayhorn, 2008; Strayhorn, 2008, 2010).
According to national data, two-thirds of Black men who start college will never finish (Cuyjet, 2006; Harper, 2006; Palmer et al., 2009). Interestingly, a recent version of the Minorities in Higher Education Status report (Kim, 2011) by the American Council on Education indicated that enrollment in higher education has increased among Black students. Nevertheless, a close examination of this report illustrates that Black females have surpassed the enrollment and success of Black males in higher education. For example, as indicated in Table 1.1, Black men accounted for 4.57 percent of the undergraduate population in 1976. More than three decades later, their representation has risen by less than one point (0.86 percent to be exact) to 5.43 percent. Compared to their female counterparts, Black men have long been underrepresented at the collegiate level. Indeed Black women have outpaced Black men in undergraduate enrollment, a trend that has continued to rise over time. While the percentage difference was only 0.87 percent in 1976, the percentage gap increased to 3.93 percent in 2010.
The dismal representation of Black men in college is even more apparent at the graduate level. For example, in 1976 Black males represented only 2.5 percent of graduate enrollment in degree-granting institutions. This percentage remained stagnant for more than two decades, with an increase to 3.61 percent in 2010. While between-gender disparities are evident at the undergraduate level, they are even more pronounced among post baccalaureates. Though Black men accounted for 3.61 percent of the total post baccalaureate population, Black women represented 8.71 percent (a difference of 5.10 percent). These data illustrate two critical points. First, Black men are underrepresented at the collegiate level in comparison to their total proportion in the general college-age population. Second, Black women are enrolled at the undergraduate and post baccalaureate level at higher rates than their male peers; a trend that continues to persist.
In an article published in the Economics of Education Review, Levin, Belfield, Muennig, and Rouse (2007) indicated that increasing educational success among Black males is not only a moral issue, but also it has significant benefits to society. They argued, for example, that Black males with at least a high school diploma would have improved health status, lower rates of morality, and be in a better position to financially contribute to society. Similarly, Nevarez and Wood (2010) indicated that there are numerous benefits to a college education. For example, they noted that earning a college degree is associated with increased earning potential. While a Black male can expect to earn $30,723 a year with a high school diploma, with a bachelorās degree their mean earnings rise to $55,655. While these data reflect the significance of achieving successive levels of education, the economic benefits of a degree differ by race. For example, White men achieve higher mean earnings per year than their Black counterparts. A White male with a high school diploma will earn $5,695 more per year than a Black male with the same degree. Moreover, White men with bachelorās and masterās degrees earn $15,631 ($71,286 per year) and $22,886 ($91,776 per year) more than Black men, respectively (U. S. Census Bureau, 2012). Indeed, given the under-achievement of Black men in postsecondary education, the subsequent section of this chapter will discuss theories and perspectives that attempt to provide insight into the dearth of progress among this demographic.
Theories and Perspectives on the Underachievement of Black Males in Education
Despite the myriad of benefits associated with receiving an education, especially a college education, Black males have made minimal advancement in postsecondary education. Some scholars have articulated theories and perspectives to account for the stagnation among Black males in education. For example, Fordham and Ogbu (1986) introduced āacting White,ā to explain the lack of advancement among Black students in education. Specifically, Fordham and Ogbu explained that because Blacks have experienced oppression, enslavement, and discrimination in America, they have formed an oppositional culture, which acts as a bulwark between Black and White America. This oppositional culture, Fordham and Ogbu posited, has provoked Blacks to persuade their same-race peers to devalue academic success because of its association with āacting White.ā
According to Lundy (2003), Blacks who subscribe to this mindset of āacting Whiteā view academically inclined Blacks as abandoning their Black cultural identity and rejecting their cultural norms. Some researchers have be...