A History of Prussia

H.W. Koch

• Publisher: Routledge
• Year: 2014
• ISBN:
  9781317873075
• Edition: 1
• Topic: History
• Subtopic: European History
• Index: History

In little more than two centuries Prussia rose from medieval obscurity and the devastation of the Thirty Years War to become the dominant power of continental Europe. Her rulers rose from Electors to Kings, and from Kings to Emperors. It is a dramatic story, and H. W. Koch fills a major gap in English-language literature with this comprehensive account. It traces the origins and rise of the Prussian state from the thirteenth century to the causes and consequences of its incorporation into the German Empire.

Chapter 1
The Teutonic Order

Ruthlessness, romantic idealism and other similar characteristics are attributed to the Deutschritter Or den, the Teutonic Knights. Yet the story of this order is less colourful than that of similar orders such as the Templars. Most of them claimed – not always quite correctly – that their origins dated back to St Bernard of Clairvaux, who had issued the Rule of the Templars to two knights, Hugo of Payens and Godfrey of St Omer; rules closely modelled on St Bernard’s own order, in a spirit of profound Christian devotion and strict asceticism. At the time of the second crusade, St Bernard himself called for recruits for the Templars, and in a tract issued for this purpose he wrote:

The warriors are gentler than lambs andfiercer than lions, wedding the mildness of the monk to the valour of the knight, so that it is difficult to decide which to call them: men who adorn the Temple of Solomon with weapons instead of gems, with shields instead of crowns of gold, with saddles and bridles instead of candelabra; eager for victory not for fame; for battle not for pomp; who abhor useless speech, unnecessary action, unmeasured laughter, gossip and chatter, as they despise all vain things; who, in spite of their being many, live in one house according to one rule, with one soul and one heart. (Ernst Kantorowicz)

St Bernard’s foundation did not put an end to the hero of the ‘age of chivalry’ and his courtly pursuits, but countered the ‘restless, vacillating secular knight errant, who flew from adventure to adventure, or sacrificed himself in the service of his lady-love, leading his own individual life and entirely destructive to the firm fabric of the state’ with a closed, rigidly disciplined corporation, dedicated, as in the case of the Templars, to the service of Christ, their spiritual head. They were monks, actively serving a common purpose with the New Testament and the sword, men who subordinated themselves to a common master. In modern terminology: they were activists of the word and the sword, recognizable by the uniformity of their dress, the mantle with the cross, and style of life.

But as with all human institutions, the original idealism could not be sustained indefinitely. By the end of the twelfth century, spiritual knighthood seemed almost extinct. The institutions of the Knights of the Templars, whose members were mainly French, and the Knights of St John, composed largely of English and Italian members, seemed on the wane, perhaps even on the point of disintegration. Yet precisely at this point in time, in 1190, a new order made its appearance, one which was to be called the Teutonic Order. The initiative for it, however, did not come from the clergy, nor for that matter from German knights, but from German burghers, merchants from Bremen and Lübeck, the old cities of the Hanseatic League.

Disease had badly affected the army of crusaders camping on Mount Turon outside the city of Acre. Merchants from the two German cities showed compassion for their helpless fellow countrymen. They removed the sails from their boats, and from them made large tents which they provided with beds and hospital equipment. Above all, they supplied the finance with which to maintain them. In these hospital beds, dedicated to the Virgin Mary, sick German knights were cared for by the merchants. Their leader, a German merchant by the name of Siebrand, obtained from King Guy, then King of Jerusalem, a grant of a plot of land and a street in Acre, once the city had been conquered. Here the new foundation was to find a more permanent home. When Siebrand and the merchants returned to Germany, they put the administration of the foundation into the hands of the chaplain, Conrad, and the chamberlain, Burkhard, who had arrived at Acre in October 1190 with Frederick of Swabia, a son of Frederick Barbarossa. Burkhard and Conrad administered the foundation according to the rules of the Order of St John. Once Acre had been taken, the grant of land made to their predecessors was appropriated. On this land they built a church and a hospital, as well as dormitories for the members. They then applied for recognition as a spiritual corporation of the Brothers of the Hospital of St Mary of the German Nation. This recognition was duly granted by Pope Celestine III in 1196, and confirmed by Pope Innocent in 1199. The latter, however, insisted that the corporation become a knightly order which would take its knightly rules from the Templars, while its hospital rules were to come from the Order of St John.

This new order of German knights never distinguished itself in the Holy Land; it fought no famous battles there, nor did it enjoy that abundant wealth which had been the cause of the corruption and decay of the older orders. It was, and remained, a purely Germanic movement, one of the most significant features of which, particularly in the context of its long-term development in the colonization of the German east, was its close association with the German burghers. As a founder of cities and towns, and as a protector of and participator in the trading ventures of north-eastern Europe, it established its reputation. But once the interests of the cities and traders on one hand, and of the Teutonic Knights on the other began to diverge, the order declined. Throughout its duration the Teutonic Order consisted of three main branches. Firstly, there was the German branch, concentrated primarily in southern and south-western Germany, including Alsace, with possessions also in Burgundy. Secondly, there was the branch in Livonia and thirdly, the Prussian branch with its centre at the Marienburg. After the residence of the Grand Master was transferred to this castle, it became the centre of the order as a whole.

The Servants of St Mary of the German House, as the Teutonic Knights were called in their oldest set of rules, were to be dedicated men of our Lord Jesus Christ. They were exempted from secular justice, and were to preserve a state of chastity, renounce freedom of personal will and the possession of personal property. Only the order was to possess land and buildings, men and women, and to receive financial income. In acknowledgement of the fact that a hospital rather than knighthood represented the origin of the order, it was dedicated to maintaining hospitals in perpetuity. The sick and ailing accepted into the hospital had first to confess; then, throughout their stay, they were to be fed before the brothers of the order ate and the order was to provide doctors for them. The sick were to be served humbly and faithfully. To cover the not inconsiderable expenses of the hospital the Grand Master was allowed to send brothers far and wide to beg for alms.

The inner core of the order consisted of clergy and laymen. Both were dutifully to attend mass and other church services, and take holy communion seven times a year. The rules laid down that when a brother died, his best clothes, as well as his food and drink for 40 days, should be distributed to the poor. Of the lay brothers only the knights were to wear white mantles; apart from this there was to be no difference between them and the other lay brothers. The white mantle was to bear a black cross. Every man was to wear his hair closely cropped; the clergy a tonsure, and the lay brothers beards of moderate length. In contrast to knightly fashion the full beard became the characteristic feature of the brothers, earning them the nickname ‘the bearded ones’.

At mealtimes the priests were to bless the food; this was to be followed by the Lord’s Prayer and a Hail Mary, spoken by the lay members. On three days of the week meat was to form part of the meal; on three other days there was dairy produce and eggs. Friday was the fast day. However, for the weak and sick the meal could be improved according to need. At the meal two brothers were to share a bowl; only drink could be taken from individual cups.

Generally each house of the order consisted of a convent of 12 brothers – the number of Christ’s disciples. They were headed by a Komtur, a bailiff, who was to read the lesson. The brothers had to remain silent at table unless the Komtur granted an exception, usually when there were guests from outside. Bread left on the table uneaten was to be given to the poor, in addition to one-tenth of all the bread baked in the house. All the brothers were to sleep in one room, clothed in a shirt, trousers and stockings. A light was to burn in the room throughout the night.

A brother was to have neither his own seal nor a coat of arms. Nor was he to write, send or read letters without the permission of the Superior, who could demand that the content of a letter be read aloud. The brothers could exchange or give away wooden arms which they had made themselves, such as crossbows, spears and arrows. No chest or cupboard was to have a lock. Whatever was necessary for a brother in fulfilling his role as a warrior – such as horses, weapons and servants – he could have in his possession, but not actually own. His shield, saddle and bridle were to bear neither secular colours nor gold or silver. Horses and weapons presented to one brother had to be handed over to another upon instruction from the Superior, an instruction against which no objection could be raised. A brother was forbidden to participate in, or take any interest in, the hunt. Where hunters could be useful the order could keep them, and the brothers accompany them for their protection, but all they were allowed to kill were wild animals, without the aid of dogs. Birds could be shot only as archery practice.

In their relationships with one another, the rules decreed that if one brother had given offence to another he was to ask for forgiveness before the sun set. When decisions had to be taken, such as appointments within the order or the sale or purchase of land, the brothers were to assemble and offer their advice, but it was up to the Superior to decide which recommendation was best and should be followed. In journeys across the land they were to set a good example at all times. Wedding celebrations were to be avoided, likewise the company of secular knights and worldly games. Wherever this might give grounds for scandal, they were to avoid talking to women, especially young ones. They were not allowed to kiss women, not even their own mothers or sisters. No boy could be admitted to the order before reaching the age of 14; nor might any women be admitted to any ceremony since their presence would impair the virility of the order. The only employment suitable for women was to be the care of the sick and animals. They also had to occupy a house separate from that of the brothers.

Secular applicants could be admitted to the order, whether they were married or single, provided that they were considered worthy and would surrender their worldly possessions to the order. The Superior was to be the support of the weak and the persecutor of the disobedient. Hence he was to carry a rod and staff in his hands. It was within his power to grant dispensations from any rules of the order except those of chastity, poverty and obedience.

Whoever was accepted into the order as a brother had first to be instructed by another brother in the ceremonies that preceded his admission. On being introduced he had to kneel down in front of the entire chapter of brothers and beg to be admitted to the order for the sake of his soul. The Superior then asked whether he had any liabilities, or whether he were burdened with any guilt that might affect the order. If the applicant could reply in the negative, he would then solemnly vow to serve the sick, to protect the Holy Land and any other land belonging to the order, and not to leave the order without permission. Thereupon he was accepted on probation. The order, in its turn, vowed to the applicant that it would supply him with water, bread and old clothes. Applicantswere expected to know the Creed and the Lord’s Prayer; if they did not then they were to be instructed by the priests during the first six months of their stay.

When a Grand Master died, his deputy convened all the Komturs of Germany, Prussia and Livonia, as well as Apulia. Their function was to elect 13 members who in turn would elect the new Grand Master. Among the qualifications for this office were to have been born in wedlock, never to have offended against the laws of chastity, nor committed theft.

Throughout its duration the Teutonic Order was never an aristocratic order, nor did it accept only people of knightly origin, or those who had been made knights by the Grand Master. As a rule the condition for joining was to be a freeman, yet that Grand Master whose personality determined to a large extent the early fortunes of the order, had probably risen to his high rank from that of a Ministeriale, a chancery official of unfree origin, at the court of Emperor Henry VI and his son Frederick II, the greatest of the Hohenstaufen emperors. The first Grand Masters of the order were burghers of the city of Bremen. Butin 1216 Pope Honorius III insisted that the Grand Master of the order should be of knightly origin, or of honest birth to ensure that he could be made a knight. Thus the illegitimate sons of the princes, or for that matter even those of the Grand Master himself, were prevented from turning the office into a hereditary property.

Nevertheless, knightly ethics determined the institutions, attitudes and behaviour of the order. Its highest representative was the Grand Master. Although obliged in all important matters to take counsel from experienced brothers and to take into consideration the decision of the chapter of the order, he was, during the order’s heyday, an extremely powerful man, and only during the final stages of its disintegration did the Grand Master’s rule degenerate into a joint government consisting of other officers of the order.

Below the Grand Master were the offices of the central administration: the Grosskomtur, the Ordensmarschall or Grossmarschall, the Spinier (hospitaller), the Tressler (treasurer) and the Trapier (quartermaster). Following the occupation of Prussia, the office of Grossschäffer gained in significance since he acted as a Minister of Trade, establishing the continually expanding commercial relations of the Teutonic Order. The territory of the order was divided into Komtureis, each headed by a Komtur, smaller territorial subdivisions were headed by Vogts or caretakers.

During the first decades of the order’s existence ecclesiastical brothers were few, monks from mendicant orders frequently attending to its spiritual affairs. This prevented powerful bishops from gaining influence within the order. But throughout its history there is discernible a policy of keeping the influence of the order’s clergy within narrow limits; after all, one of the explicit purposes of the order was to train skilled warriors, not comfortable and complacent monks. The clergy wore the white mantle with the black cross.

The lay members, warriors and workers came from all walks of life. They made their monastic vows, all received the same food and lodgings, all participated equally in the affairs of the chapter, and in principle possessed the same political rights, such as active and passive franchise. They also bore the cross on their mantle, though secular members, such as married men or those who had not taken the three vows, bore a cross the upper part of which was omitted and thus resembled the letter T. Among the lay members it was the knights who represented the aristocracy although, except for the white of their mantle, they were denied knightly decorations. Their role in warfare was that of a heavy cavalry, since they had more horses than the other warriors. It was the Grand Master’s right to promote brothers of the order, or those who wanted to join the knighthood, and hand them the knight’s sword. In spite of the fact that the order was a specifically Germanic institution, it did accept foreigners into its ranks, particularly Poles, as well as other Slavs.

In its early years there were few signs of the historic role which the order was destined to play. It led a relatively insignificant life on the periphery of medieval Europe’s political and military concerns. It is true that Emperor Henry VI, the son of Frederick Barbarossa, had turned his attention to the order while planning a crusade, but this development was cut short by his death. Its actual rise was closely linked to the rule and reign of his son Frederick II. Frederick was quick to recognize the potential of this relatively new and unknown order. Unlike other similar orders, this one, free from both feudal ties and the influence of temporal and spiritual lords, was still capable of being turned into an elite body for the Emperor’s purposes. Frederick envisaged it as a body unconditionally loyal to the Emperor. On behalf of the order he had the Papacy grant charters for it; he recruited prominent members, and even went as far as persuading members of other orders to join it. In the Holy Land he relied upon it almost exclusively whenever he required for a certain task men in whom he could place his trust. To its knights he entrusted the administration of entire territories, such as Alsace. He accorded to the order the privilege that its Grand Master, when attending court, should be part of the royal household, and belong to the inner circle of the Emperor’s advisers. Two brethren of the order were to be in permanent attendance at the imperial court.

Indeed, Frederick’s greatest confidant was the first Grand Master of stature, Hermann von Salza. For over two decades Hermann was his counsellor and closest friend; not, of course, because he was the Grand Master of the Teutonic Order, but rather on account of his personal qualities which combined unflinching loyalty to Frederick with stable judgement and political good sense. These qualities enabled him to act time and again as a mediator between Frederick and the Papacy, without losing the respect and high esteem of either.

It was Frederick’s court and his administration which imprinted themselves upon the structure of the Teutonic Order. The history of medieval Europe seems still to be written far too much in European terms without giving more than scant attention to the influence of the Arab world, particularly in the field of public administration. Frederick II was, in Jakob Burckhardt’s words,

The first ruler of the modern type who sat upon a throne, had early accustomed himself to a thoroughly objective treatment of affairs. His acquaintance with the internal condition and administration of the Saracenic States was close and intimate; and the mortal struggle in which he was engaged with the Papacy compelled him, no less than his adversaries, to bring into the field all the resources at his command… He centralized, in a manner hitherto unknown in the West, the whole judicial and political administration …

Frederick’s introduction of a centralized administration gave Hermann von Salza a model for the structural reorganization of the Teutonic Order, though of course not without considerable modifications. For example Frederick had virtually abolished the elective principle in southern Italy, but such a policy in the order would most likely have resulted in complete revolt.

This structural reorganization unwittingly prepared the order for its main task in north-eastern Germany. The centre of the order’s missionary activity was always considered to be the Holy Land, but as the practicability of that venture began to recede more and more into the realm of pious hopes and intentions, the order began to envisage firm settlement combined with missionary activity in eastern central Europe. Around 1222 the order had attempted to gain a foothold in the Transylvanian Burzenland in Hungary, which King Andrew of Hungary had, somewhat reluctantly, presented to the order, and which the Pope had declared as a fief of the Papacy. The order did manage to build five castles in the region, but the resistance of the combined forces of the Hungarians and Germans who had settled there compelled it to give up any attempts to impose its own rule. Just at the time when the order’s failure in Hungary became apparent, Conrad of Masovia, Duke of Poland, found himself similarly unable to repulse the heathen Prussians. And so he turned to the Teutonic Knights for help, and provisionally gave a verbal undertaking that, in return for their services, he would reward them with the territories of Kulm along the river Vistula.

Hermann von Salza immediately recognized the opportunity. With the full support of Emperor Frederick, who was prepared to grant considerable privileges to the order, Hermann took the matter up with the Papacy. The Pope also held Hermann in high esteem, and as a result granted the Golden Bull of Rimini in 1226. This laid down the future tasks of the Teutonic Order, as well as setting out in minute detail the constitution of the future state for the order in north-eastern central Europe. In fact the Bull was completed before the negotiations with Conrad of Masovia had been concluded, and before a single knight bearing the white mantle with the black cross had reached the wes...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Half Title
• Title
• Copyright
• Contents
• List of maps and genealogical tables
• Preface
• Dedication
• 1 The Teutonic Order
• 2 Brandenburg and Prussia
• 3 The Great Elector
• 4 From duchy to kingdom
• 5 Frederick William I
• 6 Frederick the Great
• 7 Prussian absolutism in crisis
• 8 The Prussian Reform Movement
• 9 The War of Liberation
• 10 Restoration
• 11 Frederick William IV
• 12 Prussia and Germany 1860-1871
• 13 Prussia in Germany
• 14 The end of Prussia
• Bibliography
• Genealogical tables
• Maps
• Index