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CONTRASTIVE RHETORIC REVISITED
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Understanding Cultural Differences in the Rhetoric and Composition Classroom: Contrastive Rhetoric as Answer to ESL Dilemmas1
Clayann Gilliam Panetta
Christian Brothers University
Contrastive rhetoricâthe term used to describe the argument that the linguistical, organizational, and presentational choices that English-as-a-second-language (ESL) student-writers make substantively differ from the choices that native-English student-writers makeâhas only relatively recently been prominent in the scholarly literature and teacher-talk of composition. The whole notion of a âcontrastive rhetoricâ began in 1966 with Robert Kaplan, who, along with other writing instructors, discovered that the writing patterns of international students who had recently come to the United States were much different from the writing patterns of native writers. He began research into these phenomena, examining the writing of ESL students and trying to determine where their writing deviated from that of native users of English. By closely analyzing compositions written by ESL students, he realized that the differences he had noted were not simply grammatical or surface matters (differences in âspellingâŚor differences in lexiconâ), but underlying differences, including âparagraph order and structureâ (Kaplan, 1988, p. 277). He then compared ESL cultural practices to typical Western practices and found many interesting rhetorical trends and deviations (Piper, 1985). Student-writers from Anglo-European languages seemed to prefer linear developments, whereas student-writers from Asian languages seemed to take a more indirect approach, coming to their points at the ends of their papers. The paragraph development in writing done by students from Semitic languages tended to be based on a series of parallel organizations of coordinate, rather than subordinate, clauses, whereas students from Romance and Russian languages tended to prefer extraneous material (Connor, 1996). In short, Kaplan was able to suggest that rhetorical structure is not universal, but culture-dependent (Piper, 1985).
Kaplan coined the phrase contrastive rhetoric to describe the differences he had seen, and he began to encourage instructors to use his research in their classrooms (Purves, 1988). To aid these instructors, he created diagrams to explain the five different types of paragraph development he had identified.2 His aim in this compilation was, first, to help ESL students better understand the typical patterning of English rhetoric by contrasting it to the rhetorical patterning of their culture. He also encouraged close instructor scrutiny of contrastive rhetoric, because contrastive rhetoric would be a pedagogical contributor to reading and writing issuesâmore advanced ESL reading and writing students could be taught about language characteristics and differences among cultures (Piper, 1985). Kaplan saw this as vital information to any instructor of ESL; understanding the rhetorical deviations apparent in languages would bridge the gap between cultural encoding and decoding. In essence, instructors were called to realize that âdifferences among rhetorical patterns do not represent differences in cognitive ability, but differences in cognitive styleâ (Purves, 1988, p. 19).
Li (1996) has shown this to be true in the following discourse:
The difficulty Li notes is characteristic of most ESL students in American writing classes; Kaplanâs aim was to answer such dilemmas.
Over subsequent decades, contrastive rhetoric has gathered both proponents and opposition. Proponents have touted the pedagogical implications of contrastive rhetoric. For instance, Leki (1991) pointed out that even though writing instructors who teach ESL students may not have backgrounds in the rhetorics of different cultures, contrastive rhetoric helps us bypass stereotypes and realize that writing strategies are culturally formed (p. 138). For example, what is relevant/irrelevant, what is logical/illogical, what constitutes an argument, even, are all culturally determined. Sometimes ESL writers seem to âmiss the point.â However, the âproperâ way to make a point in one language differs from the âproperâ way in another (Leki, 1992). Pointing out and realizing such contrasts between rhetorics helps instructors and students analyze what represents successful communication among cultures. As Purves (1988) pointed out, âWhen students, taught to write in one culture, enter another and do not write as do the members of the second culture, they should not be thought stupid or lacking in âhigher mental processes,â as some composition teachers have statedâ (p. 19). Instead, they simply do not know about the rhetorical structures of the new culture, but they have the capability to learn the new conventions if given ample opportunity (p. 19). In short, a number of researchers have argued that, with contrastive rhetoric, instructors who teach writing to ESL students can come to see that our truth is not the truth and that, in reality, truth is a relative concept across cultures and languages (Leki, 1991).
On the other hand, Kaplan has been accused by some of âreductionismâof trying to reduce the whole of linguistics to this single issueâ (Kaplan, 1987, p. 9). Others have added that his observations were faulty because he focused on English but implicated other languages (p. 10). Furthermore, since Kaplanâs diagrams for language characteristics were so simplistic, Leki (1992) has shown that many teachers and students have come to think of rhetorical patterns as equal to native thought patterns of other cultures. However, strategies for successful communication are not innate or universal; they are rhetorical. For instance, one study has shown how the goal of the ancient Chinese rhetorical tradition differs from the goal of the Western rhetorical tradition. Instead of using rhetoric to âconvince political equals in a public forum of some political position, placing a great deal of emphasis on an individual speakerâs ability to reason and to marshal proofs,â the Asian tradition called on the rhetor to âannounce truthâŚ. Language was used not to discover but to uncover truth based on accepted traditional wisdomâ (Leki, 1992, pp. 89â90). At the same time, politically, âlack of clarityâŚhelped the ruling elite retain powerâ (pp. 89â90). They confused the audience to remind the audience of the rhetorâs superiority. Examples like these show how contrasting rhetorics represent historical, social, economic, and political issues, ânot natural mental processes or psychological capabilitiesâ (pp. 89â90), as Kaplan initially indicated. Finally, others have criticized Kaplanâs disregard for Aristotelian rhetoric in two ways. First, he truncated the canons from invention, arrangement, style, memory, and delivery to only arrangement; second, he excluded persuasion from his view of rhetoric (Connor, 1997, p. 32).
Kaplan (1987) agreed with some of this criticism, admitting that, âin the first blush of discovery, [he] overstated both the differences[s] and [his] caseâ (p. 9).3 Nevertheless, he does not âregret having made the case.â To Kaplan, â[the] issue is that each language has clear preferences, so that while all forms are possible, all forms do not occur with equal frequency or in parallel distributionsâ (p. 11). Native writers have at their disposal a number of rhetorical alternatives, but non-native writers do not posses this inventory and do not know about the sociolinguistic constraints on the alternatives. Pedagogically, our job should be to increase this inventory (Kaplan, 1987). One way this has been done, according to Connor (1997), has been to revise the contrastive rhetoric paradigm and definition to reflect the broader implications of contrastive rhetoric: âA broader definition that considers cognitive and sociocultural variables of writing in addition to linguistic variables has been substituted for a purely linguistic framework interested in structural analyses of productsâ (pp. 18â19). In short, Connor continues, âContrastive rhetoric has moved from examining only products to studying processes in a variety of writing situationsâ (pp. 18â19).4 Therefore, some have argued that if writing instructors avoid the reductionist tendencies of contrastive rhetoric and use it as a way of realizing the tremendous role culture plays in ESL studentsâ rhetorics, then it can become a powerful resource for conquering the difficult ESL (and other âdifferenceâ) issues that present themselves in all rhetoric and composition classes.
The increasing need for specific training in American rhetorical styles is a responsibility that does inevitably fall on writing instructors because it is in writing classes that one would expect culturally based rhetorical differences to most readily present themselves. Unfortunately, as Dillon (1992) pointed out, many writing instructors, who are âhired to teach all students how to use language effectively,â simply feel ill-equipped for teaching ESL students:
Fortunately, contrastive ...