In peace studies, the distinction between positive peace and negative peace is one of the most widely accepted criteria. This distinction was first suggested by Johan Galtung (1967), one of the founders of peace studies as an academic discipline. Galtung criticised traditional Western approaches towards peace, categorising them as forms of ‘negative peace’ and called for a more comprehensive and functional conception of peace. This idea has been explored and developed further in many academic works.
Negative peace
Negative peace denotes “the absence of organized collective forms of violence” (Galtung 1967: 4). From this viewpoint, a wide range of states, from the temporary cessation of combat and separation of two enemies to the establishment of stable peace, are considered forms of peace. Moreover, this definition acknowledges spontaneous or individual violence as acceptable conditions of a peaceful society.
Many academic debates and publications in peace studies are based on the above assumption, especially those that ascribe to the realist perspective. For instance, Raymond Aron, a well-known French philosopher, argues that peace is a state of “more or less lasting suspension of rivalry between political units” (1966: 151). Consequently, peace research based on negative peace ideas focuses on eliminating or minimising active violence. Examples of strategies that employ this line of reasoning include peace mediation for the resolution of civil conflicts, military intervention to provide buffer zones between two warring enemies and the demilitarisation of ex-combatants in the post-conflict period (Barash and Webel 2009). Moreover, since the concept of negative peace defines peace as the ‘absence of violence,’ the characteristics of the violence under consideration need to be identified in order to clarify the meaning of peace. Hence, in defining what constitutes peace, the following questions are frequently asked: “What type of violence? Violence by whom? And Peace with whom?” (Galtung 1996: 226).
In the West, the concept of negative peace has a long tradition. The meaning of peace as the ‘absence of war’ is found in the New Testament and is in evidence in the classical depiction of the Greek goddess Irene, whose name is also the Greek word for peace. Since the Roman era, peace has been commonly understood in terms of absentia belli (the absence of war), with the ‘state’ being the fundamental unit of analysis. Hence, external peace has commonly referred to a condition in which the state is not engaged in external wars (e.g. a regional war, an interstate war or a world war), while internal peace has indicated that the state has no internal war (e.g. no insurgency or civil war).
Moreover, it has been commonly believed that peace can be maintained through a ‘social contract,’ and, indeed, one of the origins of the word ‘peace’ is the Latin word pax, which is also the root of the word ‘pact.’ The idea here is that the state of peace (defined as an absence of war) is founded on “contractual, conscious, and mutually agreed upon” relationships (Young 2010: 354). Nevertheless, although violence has traditionally been considered the opposite of peace, it has also been understood as a useful tool to achieve or protect peace. The Roman phrase ‘sivispacem, para bellum’ (‘if you want peace, prepare for war’) reflects the notion that peace can be established and maintained by deterring potential aggressors through the building up of defensive strength (or sometimes, offensive defence).
It was during the Cold War period, when realist views of peace became a dominant perspective in academic debates, that the basis of contemporary international relations was formed. As mistrust and rivalry between the liberal (or capitalist) camp and the communist (or socialist) camp determined the interactions between states during this period, academics saw no good opportunities for pursuing more than the absence of war in the international community. Hence, most of the peacebuilding operations conducted by the United Nations (UN) and other international/regional organisations during this period drew upon this version of the concept of peace. Examples of this include most traditional forms of international peace-supporting activities such as third-party mediation, traditional UN peacekeeping operations, military intervention for providing buffer zones between warring enemies and demilitarisation of ex-combatants in post-conflict period.
Positive peace
A number of Western thinkers and scholars believe that the traditional concept of negative peace is not useful in the promotion of stable peace. According to them, approaches based on negative peace are likely to fail to reflect and address the fundamental issues that lie behind the violence. Moreover, these approaches inherently possess potential for appropriation “in the interest of the status-quo powers at the national or international levels, and … become a conservative force in politics” (Galtung 1967: 2).
Hence, the necessity of a wider and more comprehensive conceptualisation of peace had been raised for many years, which Galtung terms ‘positive peace.’ Since, in this context, ‘positive’ represents the most ideal condition of peace that a person can think of, positive peace has no agreed definition. Instead, people have proposed their own versions of positive peace according to their positions. For instance, although he did not use the term of positive peace, Albert Einstein defined peace as “not merely the absence of violence but the presence of just, of law, and of order” (cited in Sandy and Perkins 2008: 6), while Reardon (1988: 16) regards peace as “the absence of violence in all its forms,” which includes physical-psychological, explicit-implicit, direct-indirect and individual-structural violence. Moreover, Barash and Webel (2009: 7) propose positive peace as “a social condition in which exploitation is minimised or eliminated and in which there is neither overt violence nor the more subtle phenomenon of underlying structural violence.” Nevertheless, there are some key elements of positive peace that are commonly found in these definitions. These include peace zones (space safe from violence), peace bonds (positive relationship between social actors), social justice (fair and equal treatment of all social constituents), eco mind (harmonious coexistence between human and environment) and link mind (people’s awareness of interdependency) (Boulding 2000; Galtung 1996; Standish and Kertyzia 2015; Synott 2005).
Theories based on positive peace generally pursue the creation of proactive and optimistic values in society and seek to transform negative social relations into positive ones, work towards the harmonious coexistence of different peoples, promote reconciliation between conflicting parties and reconstruct nonviolent patterns of behaviour through empathetic understanding. For instance, structural peace refers to conditions of
(1) reciprocity, as opposed to mental conditioning of one by the other; (2) integration in the sense of all relating to all, as opposed to fragmentation; (3) holism, the use of many faculties, as opposed to segmentation; and (4) certainly inclusion as opposed to exclusion, marginalization, and/or second-class citizenship.
(Young 2010: 352)
Nevertheless, there is no consensus on the definition of positive peace yet and its scope still continues to expand.
Non-Western approaches towards peace – There are various approaches towards peace and peacebuilding that reflect non-Western perspectives. Although they have not been pro-actively reflected in recent academic discussions for conceptualising peace, these views frequently offer highly important elements required for building solid and durable peace.
In Hinduism, for instance, the term shanti, while literally meaning ‘peace,’ specifically means much more than the external or material dimensions of peace. Instead, the concept adopts as a key element of peace the notion of a person’s “inner peace, with oneself, with no part of the body-mind-spirit doing violence to other parts” (Galtung 1996: 226). Moreover, ahimsa refers to “no harm, including to self (inner peace) and to nature” (ibid.). In the Bhagavad Gita, one of the most important Hindu epics, the story of Arjuna emphasises that fighting should be based not on hatred or personal desire, but on selfless duty or compassion for others (Barash and Webel 2009).
The concept of peace in the Confucian cultural tradition, such as hep’ing in China, denotes “harmony between the international, social, and personal spheres as a necessary condition” for peace (Young 2010: 355) rather than mere nonviolent relations between different social actors. In addition, traditional Confucian teachings emphasise the value of obedience and order both within the person and society in the belief that true peace can be achieved only through social harmony and balance. Hence, conflict resolution in many societies in East Asia is more about correcting misarranged relations than compromising contradictory interests or perspectives.
The concepts of peace in many Muslim countries are strongly influenced by religious tradition and they frequently emphasise justice as a key element. The utmost peace can be achieved only through one’s submission to Allah and only within Dar ul-Islam (the House of Submission). In Khalifah (the Islamic community), all people are equally blessed by God regardless of their background, race, language or history. In addition, justice, “the placement of everything in their proper order” is an essential part of the concept of peace in the Islamic world (Ali IbnAbiTalib cited in Mirbagheri 2012: 85).
While these perspectives present dissimilar points of emphasis, they enable recent academic discussions to develop the concept of positive peace in more diverse and nuanced ways. In addition, the illumination of such non-Western perspectives of peace creates wider opportunities for peacebuilding practice to reflect the needs and opinions of local actors in conflict-affected societies that, in most cases, do not share Western cultural backgrounds.