Are there unconscious mental processes?
Freudâs answer
Unconscious processes were recognized and discussed before Freud (see Burston, 1986; Ellenberger, 1970; Rand, 2004; Sand, 2014; Whyte, 1960). Indeed, recognition of unconscious processes goes back to antiquity. Plotinus writes: âThe absence of a conscious perception is no proof of the absence of mental activityâ (as cited in Whyte, 1967, p. 185). And Aquinasâ theory of mind includes âprocesses in the soul of which we are not immediately awareâ (as cited in Whyte, 1967, p. 185). However, at least since Descartes, the concepts of mental and consciousness were generally seen as equivalent. That is, for a phenomenon to be understood as mental meant that it was consciously experienced. Hence, to speak, as Freud did, of unconscious mental processes was viewed as a contradiction in terms. And, indeed, at one time, that was a common philosophical reaction (e.g., Field, Averling, & Laird, 1922).
Freud did not merely propose that unconscious mental processes exist, but one, that the major part of mental life goes on outside awareness; two, that âthe unconscious is the true psychical realityâ (Freud, 1900, p. 613); and three, that the unconscious is the psychic equivalent of Kantâs Ding-an-sich. He writes that the unconscious âin its innermost nature, is as much unknown to us as the reality of the external world, and it is as incompletely presented by the data of consciousness as is the external world by the communications of our sense organsâ (Freud, 1900, p. 613). He also proposes that unconscious thought is organized along different dimensions (primary process) than ordinary conscious thought (secondary process).
It has been commonly observed that, based largely on empirical work associated with the cognitive revolution in psychology, the reality of unconscious mental processes is now widely accepted. Indeed, in accord with Freudâs claim, it is also widely accepted that unconscious mental processes are ubiquitous rather than exceptional. For example, Lakoff and Johnson (1999) write that one of three âmajor findings of cognitive science [is that] thought is mostly unconsciousâ (p. 3). And Fodor (1983) has asserted that âall psychologically interesting cognitive states are unconsciousâ (p. 86). This has led some to conclude that Freudâs ideas about unconscious mental processes have been fully vindicated. However, matters are more complicated. Most important, the distinctively psychoanalytic claim is not simply the argument for the existence of what Freud (1915c) referred to as the âdescriptive unconsciousâ and what today is often referred to as the âcognitive unconsciousâ (e.g., Burston, 1986; Eagle, 1987; Kihlstrom, 1987; Weinberger, 2000). It is, rather, the argument for the âdynamic unconsciousâ; that is, an unconscious of conflicting forces of impulses pressing for discharge and access to consciousness and ego defenses preventing such access. This claim is far from being universally accepted.
Searle on unconscious mental processes
The idea of unconscious mental processes of any kind, cognitive or dynamic, is fraught with philosophical and terminological complexities, including the question of how one understands the term âmental.â It is not just Descartes, but also some contemporary philosophers who find the concept of unconscious mental processes problematic in certain respects. For example, Searle (1992) asks: âHow could we subtract the consciousness from a mental state and still have the mental state left over?â (p. 52). According to Searle, there are only conscious mental states and neurophysiological brain states with a capacity to cause conscious mental states; there is no ontological realm between the two (Searleâs critique is also directed to the positing of unconscious mental processes in cognitive psychology).
Searle acknowledges the explanatory power of positing unconscious mental processes and accepts the need for a psychological âvocabularyâ that employs such terms. However, he rejects the idea that these terms refer to ontological entities or processes that refer neither to conscious experience nor neurophysiological events, but something in between. As McLoughlin (2002) argues, this position is essentially similar to Freudâs belief that although the vocabulary of unconscious mental states is necessary for explanation at a psychological level (e.g., to fill in the âgapsâ in conscious mental life), it is not intended to point to an ontological realm that is neither conscious phenomenal experience nor a neurophysiological state. As Freud (1940[1938]) writes:
Whereas the psychology of consciousness never went beyond the broken sequences which were obviously dependent on something else, the other view, which held that the psychical is unconscious in itself, enabled psychology to take its place like a natural science like any other. The processes with which it is concerned are in themselves just as unknowable as those dealt with by other sciences, by chemistry and physics, for example; but it is possible to establish the laws which they obey and to follow their mutual relations and independences unbroken over long stretches, in short, to arrive at what is described as an âunderstandingâ of the field of natural phenomena in question.
(p. 158)
Following the Project for a Scientific Psychology, Freud (1950[1895]) turned to a purely psychological language. However, it is clear from Freudâs writings that he was always committed to the neurophysiological as the bedrock for psychological processes. As Freud writes to Fleiss following his relinquishment of the Project:
I am not at all in disagreement with you, not at all inclined to leave the psychology hanging in the air without an organic basis. But apart from this conviction I do not know how to go on, neither theoretically nor therapeutically, and therefore must behave as if the psychological alone were under consideration.
(Masson, 1985, p. 326)
More than 40 years later, Freud (1940a) writes that because âphysical or somatic processesâ are more complete than conscious experience, it âseems natural to lay stress in psychology upon these somatic processes, to see in them the true essence of what is mentalâ (p. 34).
There seems to be relatively widespread agreement that at present we cannot adequately explain certain behaviors by appealing to neurophysiological pro cesses and conscious experience alone (see Dennett, 1969, 1978; Fodor, 1983). We need to employ a vocabulary of unconscious mental processes in order to generate reasonably adequate explanations. More specifically, we need to refer to the language and categories of desires, motives, wishes, intentions, and so on that we normally think of as conscious, while recognizing that the mental states referred to are not consciously experienced. We have little choice in the matter. We will certainly not be able to provide an adequate and rich explanation by referring only to neurophysiological processes, even if, from an ontological perspective, what we refer to as unconscious mental processes are neurophysiological processes.
Rubinstein on unconscious mental processes
Rubinstein, a psychoanalyst and a highly sophisticated philosophical thinker, presents a complex and nuanced discussion of the concept of unconscious mental events. The gist of Rubinsteinâs (1997) formulation is that âunconscious mental events are neurophysiological events that are classified as mentalâ on the assumption âthat observed phenomena resembling the effects of such phenomenal events as wishing, intending, fantasying, etc. are in fact the effects of these neurophysiological eventsâ (p. 52).
It is important to note that although Rubinstein maintains that unconscious mental events are protoneurophysiological phenomena that point to neurophysiological events, he does not suggest that we rush to translate psychological terms into neurophysiological terms. Different language and different meaning systems underlie these different terms. In our everyday world, including the world of clinical practice, âwe are concerned with individuals and with their modes of being-in-the world, not with brains or mental apparatusesâ (pp. 64â65). However, we cannot escape the conclusion that âunconscious mental events are neural events by another nameâ (p. 524), a point of view, as Rubinstein points out, that was held by Freud (See, for example, Freud, 1940[1938], p. 158).
Wakefield on unconscious mental processes
In a sustained and brilliant exposition that is congruent with and further develops Rubinsteinâs position, Wakefield (1992) maintains that implicit in Freudâs conception of unconscious processes are the claims (1) that representationality (rather than consciousness) is the essence of the mental; (2) that brains possess the property of representationality; and (3) therefore that nonconscious brain states can be mental. According to Wakefield (2001) Freudâs claim ârepresentationality can be realized in nonconscious brain structures and that, therefore, there can be mental states that are not conscious ⌠might be the foundation stone on which cognitive psychology restsâ (p. 81).
Wakefield (1992; 2001) points to the kinds of empirical phenomena Freud adduced to defend what was and is the jarring argument that certain brain states are mental, that is, possess representationality. These phenomena include behavior following post-hypnotic suggestion and most important, unconscious creative problem-solving. If he were writing today, Freud could have added studies demonstrating unconscious encoding at the semantic level that I will discuss in Chapter 2.
As Wakefield (1992; 2001) shows, Freudâs implicit reasoning is that if, like conscious states, nonconscious representational brain states can generate intentionality and intelligent behavior, then one must conclude that it is representational structure, not consciousness, that is the essence of the mental. By this account, consciousness is a contingent, not an essential property of the mental, a startling conclusion arrived at by Freud who writes that âthe psychical is unconscious in itselfâ (Freud, 1940[1938], p. 158).
However jarring this conclusion may be, ultimately, we will likely have little difficulty with the idea that at a particular level of organization, unconscious wishes, motives, etc. are essentially neurophysiological processes. As Chomsky (1965) writes in a different but relevant context:
[T]he very concept of âphysical explanationâ will no doubt be extended to incorporate whatever is discovered in this [mental] domain, exactly as it was extended to accommodate gravitational and electromagnetic force, massless particles and numerous other entities and processes that would have offended the common sense of earlier generations.
(pp. 83â84)
Apart from the empirical phenomena that Freud cited in defense of the concept of unconscious mental processes, as Wakefield demonstrates, a programmatic and overarching motive for proposing the inessentiality of consciousness and the corresponding primacy of unconscious processes in psychic life was his ambitious goal to make it possible for psychoanalysis and, indeed, psychology, eventually to take its place as a natural science. Freud (1940[1938]) writes that whereas the psychology of consciousness was woefully incomplete and full of unexplained gaps, âthe other view, which held that the psychical is unconscious in itself, enabled psychology to take its place as a natural science like any otherâ (p. 158). In other words, conscious phenomenal experience alone cannot serve as a basis for psychology as a science, a conclusion radically at odds with the reliance on introspection to provide the fundamental data of psychology, a position espoused by Titchenerâs (1898, 1909) structuralism.
Implicit in this view is the expectation that, ultimately, we would come to know most of what we need to know about the human mind, not through focusing solely or primarily on phenomenal conscious awareness, but through investigating what Wakefield refers to as âsyntactic brain-state causal interactions aloneâ (1992, p. 92). I would add that this overarching goal began with the Project, which, of course, could not be completed. However, in abandoning the Project, Freud did not abandon his vision. Rather, he developed a psychological and metapsychological language and concepts that were not only heuristic in themselves, but also served as placeholders â what Rubinstein refers to as protoneurophysiological terms â for later filling in through discoveries in neurophysiology.
Freud versus James on unconscious mental processes
As noted, Freudâs arguments for the existence of unconscious mental processes and states were far from universally accepted. Preceding William Jamesâ (1890) ten arguments against admitting the concept of unconscious mental processes into psychology, he expressed the fear that such an admission would open the floodgates to arbitrariness of both explanation and attributions of mental states, unchecked by the individualâs ability to either validate or invalidate those attributions on the basis of his or her conscious experience. In response to the question âcan states of mind be unconscious?â, James (1890) writes in relation to those who posit such states of mind: âthey will devote themselves to sapping and mining the region roundabout until it is a bag of logical liquefaction, into the midst of which all definite conclusions of any sort may be trusted ere long to sink and disappearâ (p. 107). He also writes that the positing of unconscious mental states âis the sovereign means for believing what one likes in psychology, and of turning what might become a science into a tumbling-ground for whimsiesâ (p. 163).
Jamesâ arguments against admitting the concept of unconscious mental states into psychology are sophisticated and nuanced. The gist of these arguments is to propose momentary and split-off consciousness or brain states as alternatives to unconscious mental states. However, if one pushes the momentary consciousness argument to the extreme, it becomes virtually equivalent to unconscious mental states. That is, if consciousness is so momentary that it cannot be reported, it becomes essentially equivalent to being unconscious. However, this criticism does not apply to Jamesâ proposal that brain states serve as an alternative to unconscious mental states.
The debate between Freudian unconscious mental states and Jamesâ (as well as Janetâs, Binetâs, and Princeâs) momentary consciousness and split-off consciousness needs to be understood in the context of the history of psychology. Jamesâ insistence that mental states need to be linked to consciousness of some sort, even if it is a momentary consciousness or split-off consciousness, was based on his strong belief that the subject matter of psychology must include conscious experience, the âfeelâ of mental states. This, indeed, was the view of the time. For example, trained introspection of oneâs experiences was the primary method of collecting psychological data by Titchener (1898; 1909) and his structuralist followers, at one time a dominant school of American psychology. The goal of psychology was to map out the structure of conscious experience. In contemporary terms, one can say that structuralism attempted to identify the fundamental qualia of conscious experience.
In part, it was the very meager achievements of structualism that paved the way for the behaviorist school of psychology that, of course, essentially replaced consciousness with overt behavior as the subject matter of psychology. And it was this de-emphasis on conscious experience as well as an emphasis on the role of biological drives that led to the seemingly odd bedfellowship of behaviorism and Freudian psychology. In 1950, Dollard and Miller published an influential book Personality and Psychotherapy that translated Freudian formulations into neo-Hullian behaviorist language. One of the factors that made this possible was the convergence of the two perspectives on the downgrading of conscious experience as part of the project of achieving a scientific account of human behavior.
Despite the problems inherent in Jamesâ views, his concern that appeal to unconscious mental states might serve as âthe sovereign means of believing what one likes in psychologyâ was not entirely unfounded as evidenced by the misuses of and arbitrary attributions of unconscious mental states found in some of the psychoanalytic literature. That literature is replete with examples of undisciplined attributions of unconscious motives and meanings that are t...