Introduction
I meet Dara, a 44-year-old Burmese1 exile and former political prisoner, in Mae Sot, a ThaiâBurmese2 border town known as âLittle Burmaâ because it is home to more than 200,000 Burmese residents (Arnold 2013). We sit at the hand-carved table in front of a colorful guesthouse that is well known among the many non-governmental organization (NGO) practitioners. I was introduced to Dara through a friend who works for an NGO in Chiang Mai city, located approximately 357 km northeast of Mae Sot. As Dara tells me about his experience working with numerous local NGOs, we are interrupted by the sound of chanting monks in the temple across the road. Dara smiles and it seems the chanting comforts him. He raises his voice slightly to compensate for the noise as he explains to me how he would like others to know more about the continued struggles of exiled Burmese. Dara has an aura of calm intellectualism about him; for more than 20 years he has engaged with the myriad political, economic and social challenges of Burmese exiles. I explain to Dara that I am interested in how Burmese exiles perceive Angelina Jolieâs visits to the refugee camps. At first Dara looks puzzled, perhaps because of the strange nature of my request. To clarify that he knows what I am talking about, I ask him, âHave you heard of Angelina Jolie?â He chuckles as his eyes light up and replies, âOh, Angelina Jolie! Of course I know her. And did you know she adopted one of the refugee children?â
Drawing on conversations with Burmese residents of northern Thailand, in this chapter I examine the everyday geopolitics of Jolieâs humanitarian interventions and the implications of the âmoral supportâ that she engendered among Burmese exiles. Investigations of âthe communicative cultural flows circulating between the celebrity, their impoverished âOthersâ and the non-destitute, non-celebrity âordinaryâ subject can tell us something both about how such power relationships are maintained and how the possibilities of change to global injustices are imagined or disavowedâ (Littler 2008, p. 237). Through an examination of these linked discursive circuits, I argue that instead of drawing attention to the continued human rights atrocities in Burma, widespread moral, rather than political support, materialized among many Burmese exiles. As a result, Jolieâs experience as a celebrity humanitarian perpetuated a popular geopolitical discourse of NorthâSouth relations that foregrounded aestheticized cosmopolitan celebrity care over place-based political concern for Burmese exiles.
As I continued my conversations with Burmese exiles, I found that many were often emotionally invested in the idea that Jolie was now raising a Burmese child. When asked what they knew about this rumor, many smiled as they imagined how exciting it might have been to be chosen as Angelinaâs child. Kyine, for example, a middle-aged mother of two, believed that Jolie had adopted not one, but two children: âIâve heard that [Jolie] adopted two kids. It means she saved their lives. People like her must have a soul filled with compassion to save all refugees.â As Kyineâs comment highlights, Jolie is quite well known among Burmese in the ThaiâBurmese border area, both for her role in popular movies such as Lara Croft: Tomb Raider and Mr. and Mrs. Smith, as well as for rumors that she had adopted a Burmese child from one of the nine refugee camps that line the ThailandâBurma border.
Indeed, as a United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) Goodwill Ambassador, Jolie has visited the refugee camps along the ThailandâBurma border four times since 2002. Her recurrent trips are indicative of her concern for one of the most protracted displacement situations in the world. Her most recent visit to mark World Refugee Day in June of 2014 was widely publicized through images and short documentaries.3 Her one-day visits were meant to draw attention to ongoing human rights abuses in Burma, as well as to the plight of the approximately 147,000 refugees that live in the nine camps along the border (UNHCR 2014). Jolieâs sojourns were successful in attracting international media coverage and were applauded by UNHCR for the worldwide attention they drew to the camps, which had first been established in 1983.
Today Jolie is perhaps the single most well-known international female celebrity humanitarian. In a recent article, entitled âAngelina Jolie Died for Our Sins,â Esquire magazine explains how:
One could make the argument that she is the most famous woman in the world. Why not, then, just go ahead and make the argument that she is the best woman in the world, in terms of her generosity, her dedication, and her courage? The two arguments would seem hopelessly disconnected â the first being an objective assessment, or at least amenable to fact; the second being subjective and sentimental â but in truth they have become inextricable.4
Jolie developed an interest in humanitarian issues in 2003 while filming the Hollywood blockbuster, Tomb Raider, in Cambodia.5 Since then, she has personally donated more than US$5 million to UNHCR and visited more than 40 refugee sites to speak out against prolonged refugee crises around the world (UNHCR 2014). She was the first to receive the Citizen of the World Award from the United Nations Correspondents Association in 2003 and in 2005 she was granted the United Nations Association of the US Global Humanitarian Award (UNHCR 2014). With an active role in more than 29 international charities and foundations such as UNICEF, UNHCR, MĂ©decins Sans FrontiĂšres, as well as her founding of the Maddox Jolie-Pitt Foundation in 2006 (an environment and food security NGO in Cambodia created with her husband, movie star Brad Pitt), Jolieâs humanitarian commitments are wide-ranging. In terms of her growth as an actress, Littler observes how âif a wild-child role in Girl Interrupted seemed just the right [movie] outlet for Jolie in her twenties, a project like A Mighty Heart, about geopolitics and real love, seems perfect for her nowâ (Littler 2008, p. 237). Indeed, representations of Jolie stem from her mixed reputation as a rebellious teenager, to a home wrecker, to a happy homemaker with âan ever-expanding globe trotting brood, which includes a mix of Pitt-Jolie progeny and international orphansâ (Wilson 2010, p. 28).
It is important to note that the relationship between UNHCR and Burmese exiles is highly political. In 2005 UNHCR concluded its registration of refugees along the border despite the continued violence in Burma and ongoing displacement of Burmese exiles into Thailand. Today, more than 60,000 Burmese living along the ThailandâBurma border are not officially classified as refugees despite the precarious nature of their situation (Tan & McClellan 2014). It is within this complex geopolitical context that, as an ambassador of UNHCR, Jolieâs humanitarian missions in the ThailandâBurma border have taken place. I focus on perspectives from Burmese residents in a ThaiâBurmese border town, in part, to illustrate how communicative cultural flows resist simplistic utopian or dystopian views of celebrity humanitarian interventions. Critical geopolitics is a subfield in political geography that examines how political power and discourse mediate geographical imaginations of the âNorthâ and âSouthâ. In this way, it highlights how humanitarian practice is shaped through geopolitical discourse. Thus, I engage with recent work on how popular media and lived experience articulate everyday geopolitical outcomes through a âgrounded but translocalâ perspective of celebrity interventions in the ThaiâBurmese border area (Katz 2001).
This chapter is organized as follows. First, I identify linkages between emerging literature on everyday geopolitics and celebrity humanitarianism. I also examine how this work intersects with recent research on the role of celebrity humanitarianism in humanitarian interventions. I then examine what I call the âcelebrity cosmopolitan aestheticâ or the widespread shift towards cosmopolitan and aestheticized humanitarian concern, rather than place-based politics of concern. Expanding on existing studies in everyday geopolitics, I then examine the affective experience of Burmese exilesâ interpretations of the event as an act of moral support and social solidarity. Far-reaching support of Jolie among Burmese exiles, I argue in the following section, is simultaneously coupled with widespread critiques of the UN and its perceived lack of political-economic backing. Finally, I theorize how the everyday geopolitics of Jolieâs intervention â albeit inadvertently â served to depoliticize the refugee crisis along the ThailandâBurma border.
The everyday geopolitics of celebrity humanitarianism
While Jolie may be the most popular female celebrity to partake in humanitarian work, she is not the first. Early examples included Audrey Hepburnâs work with UNICEF and also Jane Fondaâs protests against the Vietnam war (Littler 2008; Benwell et al. 2012). Yet it is significant that popular attention to celebrities and their causes has intensified rapidly over the past two decades and charity work is now seen as an essential part of being a celebrity. The growth of celebrity humanitarianism exists within broader shifts of the post-Fordist cultural turn, which set the stage for cosmopolitan celebrity charity and widespread support of the poor in the Global South as a way for celebrities to reframe themselves as caring, compassionate and borderline religious beings (Littler 2008, p. 237). It is perhaps no wonder, then, that celebrity humanitarianism is, for the most part, positively received by major development institutions such as the UN and the World Economic Forum (Repo & YrjölĂ€, 2011, p. 45).
Yet, despite widespread support of Jolieâs humanitarian efforts by popular media, academic attention to celebrity humanitarianism has tended to be more critical than popular media would suggest (Barron 2009; Biccum 2011; Boykoff & Goodman 2009; Brockington 2014; Goodman 2011; Kapoor 2012; Kellner 2010). Over the last decade, academic interest in celebrity advocacy has grown in leaps and bounds (van Krieken 2012; Cooper 2009; Littler 2007; Kapoor 2012; Ponte & Richey 2011; Richey & Ponte 2008). Post-colonial critiques of Western development practitioners that use celebrities to promote First World agendas are commonly addressed in the literature (Lousley 2013, p. 7). Repo and YrjölĂ€ highlight how celebrity humanitarianism is intensely gendered in the way that male and female celebrities select their causes and strategies of involvement (2011). Academic investigations are often focused on questions around the credibility of celebrities in politics (Street 2004). These questions of legitimacy are central to celebrity humanitarianism. Thus, celebrities matter, but perhaps not in ways we might have predicted (Scott 2014, p. 16).
Despite this academic critique, Jolieâs popularity as a Hollywood superstar-cum-humanitarian continues to expand in both the North and the South. Transnational celebrities such as Jolie are indicative of what Littler describes as communicative cultural flows that circulate between the celebrity, their impoverished others and the ordinary or âneutralâ subject:
Three key figures are often present in discussion around this issue: the celebrity (mainly belonging to the global West/North); their impoverished Others (often belonging to either ââthe restââ of the world, or to the zones Manuel Castells terms ââfourth worldsââ); and the ââneutralââ position of the non-destitute, non-celebrity ââordinaryââ subject.â
(2008, p. 246)
These communicative flows are primarily examined from the perspectives of the celebrities and their representations in popular media. Yet perspectives from the âimpoverished othersâ are curiously absent from the literature. While the cultural politics of celebrity humanitarianism have been a notable topic of academic inquiry over the past decade, the role of everyday geopolitics in celebrity interventions is relatively absent from academic critique (Benwell et al. 2012, p. 405). I argue that celebrity humanitarians now play a key role in geopolitical discourses of NorthâSouth relations.
Traditionally, the term âgeopoliticsâ has referred to the impact of geography on politics. Today, geopolitics incorporates a much broader range of connotations that are inclusive of everyday experience and encounters. In human geography it is used to examine how space is constructed through various discursive, material and power relations. Critical geopolitics â now mainstream geopolitics in human geography â emerged in the early 1990s to include, for example, textual and discourse analysis (Dittmer & Gray 2010). In this way, critical geopolitics offers more nuanced understandings of political practices. Critical geopolitical scholars now consider people such as NGO practitioners, journalists, bloggers and activists as political subjects. Thus, the âcritical turnâ in geopolitics includes everyday geopolitics.
This theoretical shift facilitates the inclusion of the study of celebrity humanitarianism, which represents an underth...