Part I
The foundations of childhood Chapter 1
Childhoods and contemporary practices
Phil Jones
Chapter summary
This chapter reviews the ways in which provision in early years and primary education is driven by powerful ideas and ideals about children. It is argued that the ways contemporary theory and policy situates children needs to be critically examined in the light of problems of oversimplification and dualism. Research into how children see their experience of provision is used as a model to redress this tendency in theory, policy and practice. The chapter sets an agenda for engaging more fully with the lived experiences of children and professionals.
The children knew they were going to move to secondary school (and another phase of their childhoods was about to start). They depicted the transition as a road, from primary school to secondary school (Figure 1.1). They wanted to know what would happen to the relationships with their peers and with their teachers. The words they chose to reflect their feelings were: âisolationâ, âabandonedâ, âun-lovedâ and âanxiousâ (Figure 1.1). Anxieties included new academic challenges, new teachers and leaving friends behind.
The schools on either side were identified as full of relationships and interactions (Figures 1.2 and 1.3). These were seen as positive, negative and ambiguous. However, the importance for this chapter is that the pupils viewed their provision as dynamic, changing and complex: forming a matrix of different elements being brought into relationship with each other. Figure 1.5 illustrates this â with a range of issues from academic challenge to relationships such as new teachers or leaving friends, identifying the dynamics between pupils and their educational space and work: âbullyingâ, ânew teachersâ, ânew lessonsâ, âfinding way aroundâ, âgetting lostâ and arriving âlateâ, âjudgedâ, âbeing differentâ, âpubertyâ and âfitting inâ. Here the children were making meaning of their education as a space that contains interactions between subject learning, relationships between professionals and with fellow pupils, and as an emotional and social space. Their reflections addressed areas such as difference and inclusion, home life and school, dynamic changes in time and space.
The images were used to identify the most common themes identified by the words chosen, then pupils in each group voted on the issues they felt needed attention within the research â each had voting labels for 1st, 2nd and 3rd and used these (Figure 1.4).
Figure 1.1 The âroadâ to transition.
These votes were tallied and then small group work was used to create sentences around the words, developing what pupils felt were important about them. These sentences were collated using Wordle to help identify phrases and terms that were foregrounded. These were discussed with the pupils in each school and used to support them in deciding upon, and forming, the questions for the research.
Figure 1.2 Primary school children preparing for transition.
Figure 1.3 From words about transition to pictures and votes.
Figure 1.4 Voting sample.
Figure 1.5 Pupils key words about transition represented as a Wordle.
Figures 1.1â1.5 are from research that aimed to explore pupil experiences of transition from primary to secondary school. The project involved designing research to establish and explore the views of children as experts in their own, and each otherâs, experiences of transition. Six classes from different schools co-worked with staff from the School of Education, University of Leeds (comprising Phil Jones, Mary Chambers and Emma Truelove). Class groups ranged in size from seventeen to 28 pupils and all were engaged with the process of transition. Consent was negotiated with the children, school and parents to take part and to share data. The research involved children in the design of the research project. This included participatory workshops with each class exploring areas such as the nature of research, research methodology and ethics. Sessions then engaged pupils in designing the research, and in identifying issues about transition to form research questions. Figures 1.1â1.3 are from participatory activities which pupils engaged with as part of these sessions. This involved a group drawing activity followed by the children attaching words as they discussed and identified their experiences and responses. This material reveals the ways in which pupils assemble meaning and reflect upon the dynamics and experience of their lives in education. The images and text show the complexity and richness of the childrenâs perceptions of educational life and the relationships within it. The images and the Wordle reveal childrenâs perceptions of life in education, and their identity there, as complex, as a living matrix of interactions and negotiations.
The following sections of the chapter explore the relationships between this complexity and the ways childhood has been framed by the sociology of childhood and by recent policies and practices in education. I examine whether these ideas and policies adequately reflect the lived realities of life in educational settings reflected in the pictures created by the children.
Key questions for reflection
How do children see early years and primary school life?
In what ways do early years or primary schools create spaces for children to reflect on, and make meaning of, their experiences of the setting?
In what ways do settings limit or deny spaces for children to reflect on and make meaning of their experiences?
Identify the strengths and limitations of creating such spaces?
Rethinking the sociology of childhood and educational provision
Recent attention to childhood has involved the evaluation of a particular phase of theory and related research, often described as the ânew sociology of childhoodâ (Prout, 2005; Tisdall, 2012; Wyse, 2004). This phase challenged traditional ways of exploring childhood, which, it argued, tended to see children through adult lenses and agendas rather than trying to understand and value childrenâs own perspectives (Komulainen, 2007). The theory and research emphasised that childhood has changed over time, and that childhood differed for children according to their countries and contexts. The new sociology of childhood helped to examine ideas and practices that were thought to be static âfactsâ about children and suggested that they were often ideas and myths constructed through powerful adult attitudes which tended to see children in negative stereotypes (Jones, 2009). An example is the assumption that children are incapable of making decisions or of having opinions of worth about what was happening in their lives. These kinds of ideas and myths, it was argued, often underestimated childrenâs actual capabilities and hindered their true potential. Authors such as James have defined a key aspect of this approach as seeing childhood as âsocially constructed and that children are active social agents in the construction of their own childhoodsâ (2010, p. 486). Other connected concerns related to advocating the importance of childrenâs perspectives or âvoiceâ; questioning traditional assumptions about the ways adults view childrenâs competency; and seeing children as rights holders (James, 2010; Jones and Welch, 2010; Prout, 2011). A variety of factors had brought about these changes. The impetus to promote the participation of children in making decisions about their lives and having a say in what their services should be like, for example, had been fuelled by the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989). Article 12 of the convention states that a child has a right âto express an opinion and to have that opinion taken into account, in any matter or procedures that affect the child, in accordance with his or her age and maturityâ (http://www.ohchr.org/en/professionalinterest/pages/crc.aspx). The new sociology of childhood has, to date, often been seen as a dialectic, offering a challenge to many âtraditionalâ ways of seeing and treating children by offering an âalternative view ⌠often set up as a series of oppositional viewsâ (Jones, 2009, p. 56). Table 1.1 illustrates such oppositional views. On the one hand, the âtraditional positionâ saw children primarily through negative stereotypes, contrasted with an âemerging positionâ which identified and valued childrenâs capacities. This can usefully be seen in terms of dualism: that âfor some particular domain, there are two fundamental kinds or categories of things or principlesâ seen in opposition to each other (Robinson, 2012, p. 1).
Table 1.1 Traditional and emerging views of children
Traditional position | Emerging position |
|
Incapable | Capable |
Not able to make valuable decisions | Active decision-makers with opinions that matter and making decisions of worth |
Incomplete adults | Seen in terms of own capacities, not in terms of deficits, or as futurities based on adult set outcomes or adult functioning as a norm or goal |
Recent years have seen many shifts in the ways domains such as education think about how children are seen and treated, some influenced by seeing childhood as âconstructedâ, challenging negative adult stereotypes, and seeing children as capable, as rights holders and holding views of worth about their experiences of schooling. This can be understood as an interdisciplinary process which creates innovation, as the ideas of the new sociology of childhood are brought into dialogue with ideas and practices in domains such as health or education. For example, in 2008 such ideas are drawn on in the joint statement from the UK Childrenâs Commissioners:
Children are, however, still not viewed as key participants in education: discussions around improving education are often adult-based and fail to include children and their views. We are also concerned that educational inequalities persist, despite considerable investment in education across the UK. Access to sufficient, quality education remains a problem for particular groups (such as Gypsy and Traveller children, children within the juvenile justice system and children in care). (UK Childrenâs Commissioners, 2008, p. 27)
In the UK today, the gap between rich and poor is increasing, along with associated disparities in the well-being of children and respect for their rights. As Childrenâs Commissioners, we take seriously our responsibility to ensure that the rights of children are promoted and their voices heard within the clamour of competing claims.
(UK Childrenâs Commissioners, 2008, p. 35)
Here children are seen as active agents in their own education in that they are described as âparticipantsâ. This is connected to the idea that they should have a voice: meaning that their views are valuable and should be given weight in relation to what a service such as a school, or early years setting, is like. Education is also seen within a rights perspective, so children are seen as rig...